tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-77505203873702632782024-02-02T12:40:34.039-08:00Bar-SharciAdvocacy of rule of law,judiciary independence and Sustainable DevelopmentSomaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.comBlogger104125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-59496360693235742662020-01-15T02:20:00.000-08:002020-01-15T02:20:27.241-08:00RULE OF LAW CONTINUES NEGATIVE SLIDE WORLDWIDE (WJP Rule of Law Index).<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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" />For Second Year, More Countries Declined Than Improved in WJP Rule of Law Index<br /><br />Steepest Decline Seen in "Constraints on Government Powers," Suggesting Rising Authoritarianism<br /><br />WASHINGTON, DC (28 February 2019) – The World Justice Project (WJP) today released the WJP Rule of Law Index® 2019, an evaluation of rule of law adherence worldwide based on more than 120,000 household and 3,800 expert surveys in 126 countries. Featuring current, original data, the WJP Rule of Law Index measures countries’ rule of law performance across eight factors: Constraints on Government Powers, Absence of Corruption, Open Government, Fundamental Rights, Order and Security, Regulatory Enforcement, Civil Justice, and Criminal Justice.<br /><br />The new WJP Rule of Law Index scores show that more countries declined than improved in overall rule of law performance for the second year in a row, continuing a negative slide toward weaker rule of law around the world.<br /><br />In a sign suggesting rising authoritarianism, the factor score for "Constraints on Government Powers" declined in more countries than any other factor worldwide over the last year (61 countries declined, 23 stayed the same, 29 improved). This factor measures the extent to which, in practice, those who govern are bound by governmental and non-governmental checks such as an independent judiciary, a free press, the ability of legislatures to apply oversight, and more. Over the past four years, Poland, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia have lost the most ground in this dimension of the rule of law. <br /><br />"This slide in rule of law in general and checks on government powers in particular is deeply concerning,” commented Elizabeth Andersen, executive director of the World Justice Project. "There is a crucial difference between "rule by law" and "rule of law." In too many countries, laws and legal institutions are being manipulated to undermine rather than uphold the rule of law, even as governments wrap their actions in "rule of law" rhetoric."<br /><br />The second largest decline over last year was seen in the area of "Criminal Justice," followed by "Open Government" and "Fundamental Rights." On a positive note, more countries improved in "Absence of Corruption" than declined for the second year in a row.<br /><br />The top three overall performers in the 2019 WJP Rule of Law Index were Denmark (1), Norway (2), and Finland (3); the bottom three were the Democratic Republic of the Congo (124), Cambodia (125), and Venezuela (126). <br /><br />Countries leading their regions in overall rule of law scores included: Nepal (South Asia), Georgia (Eastern Europe and Central Asia); Namibia (Sub-Saharan Africa); Uruguay (Latin America and the Caribbean); United Arab Emirates (Middle East and North Africa); New Zealand (East Asia and Pacific), and Denmark (Western Europe and North America, defined as EU + EFTA + North America).<br /><br />The WJP Rule of Law Index® is the world’s leading source for original data on the rule of law. The Index relies on more than 120,000 household and 3,800 expert surveys to measure how the rule of law is experienced and perceived in practical, everyday situations by the general public worldwide. Performance is measured using 44 indicators across eight primary rule of law factors, each of which is scored and ranked globally and against regional and income peers: Constraints on Government Powers, Absence of Corruption, Open Government, Fundamental Rights, Order and Security, Regulatory Enforcement, Civil Justice, and Criminal Justice. <br /><br />"Effective rule of law is the foundation for communities of justice, opportunity, and peace," said William H. Neukom, WJP founder and CEO. "No country has achieved a perfect realization of the rule of law. The WJP Rule of Law Index is intended to be a first step in setting benchmarks, informing reforms, stimulating programs, and deepening appreciation and understanding for the foundational importance of the rule of law."</div>
Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-60670157348392255892020-01-15T02:04:00.002-08:002020-01-15T02:04:23.098-08:00HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH REPORT on Somaliland 2019.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br /><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhYc9DaOJlLTXKNSRh5etTBPTDrxVwxShrrYblXy_R5TVHSyIuR2EMHPvW7vQVyt5ATYGTL2awlrMeglY4a-lmvnuLmvUAOTTJq7uNkbCHB7ySuuQGJXc3_7lC48WMW0FT-GYGGrM5y8a_z/s1600/202001wr_essay_robots_1.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="210" data-original-width="374" height="179" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhYc9DaOJlLTXKNSRh5etTBPTDrxVwxShrrYblXy_R5TVHSyIuR2EMHPvW7vQVyt5ATYGTL2awlrMeglY4a-lmvnuLmvUAOTTJq7uNkbCHB7ySuuQGJXc3_7lC48WMW0FT-GYGGrM5y8a_z/s320/202001wr_essay_robots_1.jpg" width="320" /></a>The Somaliland government severely restricted reporting and free expression on issues deemed controversial or overly critical of the authorities.<br /><br />There was a significant number of arbitrary arrests of journalists and temporary closure of media outlets. On February 10, the regional court in Hargeisa suspended the Foore newspaper for one year and fined the editor, Abdirashid Abdiwahab Ibrahim, 3 million Somaliland shillings (US$300). The newspaper was accused of spreading misinformation after it reported on the building of a new presidential palace in Hargeisa. The ban on Foore was lifted in August.<br /><br />The government also arbitrarily arrested perceived government critics. On January 12, poet Abdirahman Ibrahim Adan (known as "Abdirahman Abees") was arbitrarily arrested and charged with “insulting the police” after he highlighted various due process abuses in Somaliland. He was acquitted and released on February 25.<br />Key International Actors<br /><br />International support and attention focused on building Somalia’s security sector, improving relations between federal and state authorities, and regional electoral processes. Attention to ensuring accountability for abuses remained minimal.<br /><br />Following the December 2018 police violence in Baidoa, key international partners—the European Union, the United Kingdom and Germany—temporarily suspended support to police in the South West State.<br /><br />After the Somali government expelled special representative of the secretary-general Haysom, the UN suspended its monthly reporting on human rights issues.<br /><br />The US military increasingly conducted airstrikes in Somalia and joint military operations against Al-Shabab. Media and NGOs documented several civilian casualties. In April, AFRICOM acknowledged two civilian casualties in an April 2018 strike, citing internal reporting errors. <br /><br />In August, six UN Security Council member states blocked a bid by Kenya to impose additional counterterrorism sanctions on Al-Shabab that could have jeopardized the delivery of humanitarian aid. <br /><br />International donors supported the establishment of a new civilian court and prison complex in Mogadishu. At time of writing, the court’s mandate remained unclear, and no juvenile facilities set up. <br /><br />The competition between UAE and Qatar over political and economic dominance in Somalia continued to exacerbate intra-Somalia tensions, both between Mogadishu and federal states, and with Somaliland. <br />
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-55116483967607485052018-02-12T22:21:00.003-08:002018-02-12T22:23:44.919-08:00Boqortooyadii Xaydha<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnLJW7KA_tuNmeH9AxYFKX7fNXaVeg79h0hQGHUDxfTLGfRpTdmh31DDocvv8Zurru6ymcOt-eAdpdjCrBRSRFg0UCeZQU9fNoZXUeFQSN3yZwZGnDoHgX6CQghMKeOK6_5EU7ZYozJP6a/s1600/IMG_20170526_221151_201.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1600" data-original-width="900" height="200" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnLJW7KA_tuNmeH9AxYFKX7fNXaVeg79h0hQGHUDxfTLGfRpTdmh31DDocvv8Zurru6ymcOt-eAdpdjCrBRSRFg0UCeZQU9fNoZXUeFQSN3yZwZGnDoHgX6CQghMKeOK6_5EU7ZYozJP6a/s200/IMG_20170526_221151_201.jpg" width="112" /></a></span></div>
<span style="font-size: 14pt;">Boqortooyada
xaydhu waa qiso ku sahabsan boqortooyo la magac baxday boqortooyada xaydha
,waxa jira nooc qudhaan jada ka mida oo la yidhaahdo Aboor oo aad wax u qabsada
iskii iskuna filan oo guryaha uu dhisto cid walba ay ka faaidaysato oo ay ka
galaan roobabka,qoraxda iyo wixii kale ee dhibaayaba.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Aboorku waxa
uu u nool yahay koox-koox ama si wada jira ayuu u nool yahay oo uu kaga
duwanyahay kagana magac wanaagsan yahay qudhaanjooyinka inta kale.Aboorku waxa
uu sidii ahaadaba waxa so food saartay duruufo qalafsan ka dib markii cimiladii
iyo degaankii u ku nolaa isbdalay,Tashi dheer ayay waxa go’amiyeen inay yesheen
boqor oo taladoodu meel kasoo wada baxdo si durufahan adag looga baxo.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Aboorka waxa
uugu darani waa ilayska qoraxda iyo inuu helo roob,waxa ay isla garteen in
boqorka ay doranyaan u ahaado Aboor keeni
kara roob.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Boqorkii
aboorku iska dhex dooray, lakiin waxa uu keenay mushkilad kale oo ah inuu
yidhaahdo ha la ii dhiso qasri xaydha.talaa ku cadaatay aboorki oo markii u
isku noqday waxay isla garteen madaama u boqorku sidaa dalbaday inay u dhisaan
qasriga u doonaayo uugana dhisaan xaydha u doortay.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Qasrigii
boqorku markii u dhamaaday waxa uu boqorkii amray in la dhiso taanbuug wayn oo
qoraxda ka illaaliya qasriga ,madaama oo u xaydh ka samaysanyahay,waxa u
boqorkii mamnuucay ilayska qoraxda,aboorku wax qudha ee guryaha ku dhasan jiray
waxay ahayeen roobka iyo ilayska qoraxda oo u qalajin jiray dhismahiisa.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14pt;">Aboorkii
waxa uu mudo sidi ahaadaba oo duruufo kasii qalafsan tii hore ay uuga
cabanayeenba ku jiro ,afar ka mida aboorkii ayaa tashaday waxa ay isla garteen
inay boqortooyadan xaydha ahi keentay dhibtan si ay meesha uuga baxdana loo
baahan yahay in qoraxdii la helo.si hadaba qoraxdii lo helo waxay isla garteen
in taanbuuga la daldaloliyo si ilayska qoraxdu u soo galo. Taanbuugii dal
daloolo u sameeye,qoraxdiina so gashay boqorkiina meeshii ka bax.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Mudo markii
ay ka soo wareegtay Aboorkiina bilaa boqor noqday waxay is tuseen in aan laga
maarmayn boqortooyo taladooda iyo cududoodaba midaysa, hadana waxa u samaystay
boqor.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Boqorkii
markii ay doorteen waxa u golahii la
shaqayn lahaa ka soo doortay Aboorkii si shaqo maalmeedkii boqortooyadu u
socoto sidoo kale ay adeeg fiican u helaan aboorku,mudo markii ay boqortooyadu
jirtayba waxa uu isna la soo baxay cadooyin aanay hore u arag,illaahay
cilmigiisa waxa boqorkii la jeclaysiiyey Jiirarka iyo dameeraha oo waxa la
arkay uun jiirar iyo dameero ku soo qulqulaaya qasrigii boqortooyada,cida
dameerkuna waxay noqotay cida aadka loogu jecelyahay ee had iyo jeer ka ladi
wayeen Aboorkii u dhawaa boqortooyadu.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Boqorkii
golahiisa marka uu la shiraayo waxa aad u dhibi jirtay in ay so hor fadhiistaan
Aboorku oo inta badan ah mid ka hadlaaya uun dundumooyinkiisi iyo Aboorkii kale
duruuftiisa.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Dundumooyinku waxa ay noqdeen aboorku waxa uu ugu hadal haynta
badan yahay,boqorku aadbuu u necebaystay oo dhagahiisa ayay ka guuxday
dundumada iyo hadal haynteedu.Marka ay dayn wayaan hadal haynteeda waxa uu ku
jawaabi jiray soynagii boqorada noqonay maxaa keenay inaad hadal haysaan uun
dundumadii iyo aboorkii aanu ka nimi iska nafisa oo ku raaxaysta heesaha
dameerka.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">boqorkii
waxa uu amray dhamaan Aboorkii golahiisa ka mid ahaa inay isku badalaan Jiirar
ama Dameero.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14pt;">Aboorkii intiisi
badnayd waxa ay isku badaleen jiirar iyo dameero,boqortooyadii o dhami waxay
isku badashay jiir wax cunaaya uun iyo dameer ciyaaya.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Aboorkii
talaa ku ciirtay o waxa u arkay ina ay mushkilad cusub ay wajaheen oo aanay
hore uula kulmin.Aboorka noqon waaya jiir ama dameer waxa lagu celin jiray
aboorkiisii oo waxa uu boqorku ku odhan jiray adigu mar hadaad jiir noqon
wayday Abooradaadi iskaga noqo,markaas aboorada noqon waayay jiir ama dameer
waxa ay dib uugu so noqon jireen meelaha ay inta badan ku shiraan
aboorku,waxaanay noqon jireen Aboor ka tilmaaman aboorada kale oo aad taladooda
loo dhageysto madaama ay ku adkaysteen jinsiyadoodii aboor nimo.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Qoladii
jiirarka isku badashay kumay noqon jiriin aboorkii ay ka dal doorsadeen oo
xanuuno ayaa ku dhici jiray waxaanay ahayeen qaar takooran o aboorka intiisa
kale gees iskaga leexiyo iskana illaaliyo inay so dhex galaan.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Aboorkii
boqortooyadii jiirarka wa ay ka takhalaseen waxaanay isla garteen aboorka danbe
ee ay boqorka ka dhigayaan inuu shuruudo yeesho………………………la soco<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 14.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-41441235333845070002017-10-25T11:42:00.001-07:002017-10-25T11:42:22.128-07:00‘Nothing prepares you for becoming a parent. I just sobbed’Rageh Omar<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="background-color: #b82266; color: white; font-family: "Guardian Egyptian Web", "Guardian Text Egyptian Web", Georgia, serif; font-size: 18px;">The TV journalist on a happy childhood in Mogadishu, his first taste of a British boarding school, and the first, unbelievable taste of fatherhood</span></div>
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<strong><br /></strong></div>
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<strong>Our family home in Mogadishu</strong> was in an area lined with trees, very green and the sun was always shining. I played on sandy beaches and in the warm, clear sea. I remember balmy summers – wet and humid – and the city had a beautiful whitewashed look because it was built under Italian colonial rule. During those endless summers, we would have lots of extended family gatherings – often relatives I had never seen, but had been told about, who would be returning home after working abroad.</div>
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<strong>My father, Abdullahi, became an accountant</strong> before setting up his businesses. He had a contract to represent Massey Ferguson tractors, introduced Coca-Cola to <a class="u-underline" data-component="auto-linked-tag" data-link-name="auto-linked-tag" href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/somalia" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); color: #005689; cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;">Somalia</a> and started the country’s first independent newspaper. He was building his businesses at a time of huge political change and remained hard-working and determined to provide for his family. He was also a fun father with his five children.</div>
<aside class="element element-rich-link element--thumbnail element-rich-link--upgraded" data-component="rich-link" data-link-name="rich-link-1 | 1" style="background-color: white; clear: both; color: #333333; float: left; font-family: "Guardian Text Egyptian Web", Georgia, serif; font-variant-ligatures: common-ligatures; margin: 0.3125rem 1.25rem 0.75rem -15rem; width: 13.75rem;"><div class="rich-link tone-feature--item " style="background-color: #951c55; color: white; margin: 0px; overflow: hidden; position: relative;">
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<a class="rich-link__link" href="https://www.blogger.com/null" style="background: transparent; cursor: pointer; touch-action: manipulation;">Rageh Omaar: 'Idealism has become a dirty word among many journalists'</a></h1>
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<strong>My mother, Sahra, is one of 12 children</strong> – all girls except for one boy. Her smile is as broad as the sun and she has a mischievous wit. She is loving and the centre of our family in the same way that she was a mother figure to her younger siblings – to this day, they look on her as a role model and matriarch. When she was over in London, she walked everywhere, which I find tedious and she still has a go at me for being a couch potato.</div>
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<strong>My parents grew up in a very different world from me.</strong> <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/somalia" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); color: #005689; cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;" title="">Somalia</a> was then a nomadic country and the life they experienced was like something from the 19th century. They taught us the importance of education and traditional cultural family values and created a stable and happy home: we could feel proud about where we came from.</div>
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<strong>I arrived in London as a six-year-old </strong>in 1973 because of my father’s dream for his children to have a good education. The first thing I felt after leaving Heathrow was this blast of cold air. I thought, what’s going on? Then I saw the unusual colours from the street lighting and neon advertising hoardings. But my abiding memory is of my mother when she took me to my first day at boarding school – something she considered barbaric, but was what my father wanted. She thought when I was met by the housemaster, I would turn around and say: “Mummy, come and get me and take me home.” But I just turned around at the door after being welcomed, waved her away and said: “All right, Mum, off you go.” To this day, she’s never forgiven me for that.</div>
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When Mum took me to boarding school, I just waved her away, saying, ‘All right, Mum, off you go.’ She never forgave me</div>
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<strong>Even though my father started a newspaper,</strong> he tried to discourage me from becoming a <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/2011/nov/06/rageh-omaar-interview-slavery-evil" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); color: #005689; cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;" title="">journalist</a>; he thought it wasn’t a serious profession. He wanted me to study law and I was close to becoming a barrister. We struck a deal: I said I’ll try to become a <a class="u-underline" data-link-name="in body link" href="https://www.theguardian.com/media/2004/feb/28/broadcasting.politicsphilosophyandsociety" style="background: transparent; border-bottom: 0.0625rem solid rgb(220, 220, 220); color: #005689; cursor: pointer; text-decoration-line: none !important; touch-action: manipulation; transition: border-color 0.15s ease-out;" title="">journalist</a> and if it doesn’t work after a few years, I’ll go ahead with law. He lived to see that I made it and he was proud – and happy in the end. He said I had made the right choice.</div>
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<strong>Becoming a father myself for the first time was life-altering.</strong> Despite everything I had read and attending childbirth classes, nothing prepared me. Nina and I held Loula in our arms and it was so overwhelming and overpowering that I just sobbed. Having another life in your care was huge and that wonderful moment feels scarcely believable.</div>
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<strong>I see my children as independent young people.</strong> My parents taught me to be independent and to think independently. My father thought that independence gives you a sense of worth and strength. I see this in our children [Loula, 16, Sami, 15, and Zachary, 11]: they are able to stand on their own two feet. They can cook – something my father taught me –and are good, independent travellers, which they got from us because we travelled a lot while they were growing up.</div>
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<strong>My father died in 2009 aged 79.</strong> It is a huge blow when reality strikes, but he’d not been well for some time and I’d seen his health deteriorate. Hundreds of people came to his funeral. I dealt with his death by trying to talk about it with my family and we always mark his anniversary.</div>
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Source:Theguardian</div>
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-64813758554525557242017-08-20T00:00:00.000-07:002017-08-20T23:59:03.156-07:00Tixda Miski ee Xasan Geney iyo Rashiid Gadhwayne<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Waxa aan u malaynayaa su’aasha muranka leh ee ugu horrayn, ku soo
dhacaysa dersaha tixda Miski ee Xasan Cabdllaahi “Xasan Ganey” waa
qoddobka mudanka ah ee ay ku aroorayso. Xasan tixdan naftiisa ayuu kaga
hadlayaa oo duunkiisa, damiirkiisa iyo dadnimadiisa ayuu ka warramaa.
Haddana waayaha ku heeraara iyo awaalaha adduunka bulsho siyaasaddeed ee
uu marna ku dhexnool yahay, marna qudh ahaantiisa debedda ka ah, ayuu
hoos u muquurayaa oo uu ina muquurinayaa. Marka kale na, halganka uu
naftiisa la galay, hubka uu ku dirirgalay iyo quwadda uu cuskaday iyo
libinta uu haleelay, ayaa ah qoddob ay tixdu ka hadlayso. Halka, uu ugu
dambayn sahankiisu tegay ee baaqiisu ka yeedhay na waa qoddob kale.
Waxaa qoddob muuq dheer ah oo si gaar ah kuu dareenjiidanaya ammaanta
nabi Maxamed(scws). Sidaa darteed, Miski waa tix wejiyo badan oo adduun
ballaadhan hadba dhinac kaga imanaysa. Dhinacyadaas oo maskaxda
akhristaha iyo dhegeystaha ku murmaya ayuu, isla markii, ku shubayaa
qaabab farshaxannimo oo maansada Sooomaalida ku hor leh.<br />
Waxaa la igu yidhi waa tix nabi ammaan ah. Waxaad odhan kartaa waa
run. Waa nabi ammaan, hase yeeshee ka badan. Waxa aad is odhan waa
awaalewarran iyo hogatus suugaaneed, waa murti adduun iyo xaaladdii ku
saabsan. Ayadu na waa run. Haddana waxaad tidhaa waa waano iyo wacdi
diineed ka digaya maalinta Alle la hortaagan yahay, waana durraamsho
Alle dembi dhaaf ka tuugaysa. Waa halka ay tixdu, aakhirka fadhiisanayso
oo waa run. Summad ma ayey leedahay oo aynu siinnaa tixdan cajiibk ah?
Intaba u daa. Haddana intaa uun ma aha. Dhismaha tixda, qaybaheeda kala
toyashada ah iyo sida goonigoonida ah ee mid waliba ammaanta
nabiga(scws) ugu gororaysa ayaa ugub ah oo aan tixdan looga horraynin.
Waxaa raaca qaab hor leh oo fiiro gaar ah mudan. Aynu arrimsahaas u
tallaaboqaadno oo marba heer wax yar isdul taagno.<br />
Ta u horraysa, Xasan bilowga, ma araranayo ee afaaf sugan buu tixda
ka guda gelayaa. Malaha, rag iyo dumar ba, qof waayaha bulshadiisa jiray
oo caroogga suugaanta u siday, ereyga samodoonna aan maalinna dhulka
dhigin, asaga oo weli faro madow jooga, haddii uu dhega adayga
bulshadiisa ka cawdo, ama ba intiisa sheegto, waa gartii oo layaab ma
laha. Xasan waxa uu tixdiisa ku billaabay, wax badan oo uu bulshadiisa
waano yidhi iyo halka uu maanta ka taagan yahay. Intaasi waa ka hordhac
iyo arar ka duwan tii soojireenka ahayd; waayo, ugu horrayn tixdan,
maansoyahanka Xasan Cabdillaahi, waa Xasan Ganeye, naftiisa ayuu inagu
barayaa. Isahaantiisa ayuu meel sugan dhigayaa. Asagu dabcan, ma aha
geed ka baxay ban aan geed kale ku oollin, noole kale na aanu joogin.
Waagiisa iyo awaalaha ka jira, shar iyo khayr ba, inta ku hirdamaysa,
wax badan buu hordhaca inagu tusayaa.<br />
<b><i>Bulshadaan muddo dheer u macallin ahaa</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maansheeyey sidii mahiigaan</i></b><br />
<b><i> Rag maali og baa markaa u cushoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Miciinkeeda maandhow way necebtoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Cashuurba mudduu u miisaayoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Waa kii maskaxdiisa maal siiyoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maahmaah ka sameeyey mahadho ahoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Cabdi baa ku matalay miroodka lo’dee</i></b><br />
<b><i> Hadduu maqalkii musbaar kaga jiro</i></b><br />
<b><i> Milgaha calankiyo midnimada ba</i></b><br />
<b><i> Haddaanay u muuqan maaree.</i></b><br />
<b><i> Qabyaalad masayrtay haw muhatee</i></b><br />
<b><i> Waa kaa muruqoodi maadh ka qadshoo…</i></b><br />
Hordhaca tixdu halkaas bay ka ambaxaysaa. Waa runtii oo waxba kuma uu
masuugin; Wuxuu se ka cabanayaa oo ayadu na runtii ah, miciinkood-naca
ay yahiin; waa dad ay isu beddelayaan kuwo nacabkood ahi oo masayrka
qabyaaladeed ku kala maqan oo dal iyo midnimo qaran ba ku seeggan.<br />
Nolosha qofka aadanahu, teeda ifka iyo teeda aakhiro ba, waa
doorashadiisa xorta ah. Qof ay hawada naftiisu qaadatay oo hungurigiisa
raacay, oo caqligii iyo damiirkii Alle ammaaneeyey, dheg u dhigi waayey,
ama ku caasi noqday, noloshii Alle la doonay buu xooray; dhimasho if
iyo aakhiroba ah buu doortay. Ammaanadii xorriyada doorashada samaha na
wuxuu ka doorbiday addoonsiga hawada nafta iyo shaydaanka adeegsada.
Addoonimada sharfani waa ta Alle loo addoon yahay. Ayadaa na xor lagu
yahay oo nolol ah. Qof aan nolosha aadanaha ku habboon noolayni ma
noola; waa bakhti soconaya. Jiritaanka qofka, taas baa dhabaysa. Qof
waliba na asaga ayaa taas iyo sida kale ba, naftiisa u doora.<br />
Tixdan Miski, Xasan Cabdillaahi “Xasan Ganey” in uu jiro oo uu nool
yahay buu sheetay; xorriyaddii Alle ku mannaystay buu qaatay. Kuwo badan
baa, ayaga oo ifka jooga, dhimasho doorta, Xasan in uu if iyo aakhiroba
noolaado ayuu ku adkaystay. In badan tixdan macaankeedu halkaas buu ku
jiraa. Bal day sida uu naftiisa u la hadlayo:<br />
<b><i>Mur iyo dacar mowjadaha lidiqa ah</i></b><br />
<b><i> Mabda’aa lagu jabay mashruuca xilka leh</i></b><br />
<b><i> Ruuxii ku milmaa xumaan martiyee</i></b><br />
<b><i> Ha moodin in uu macaash ku jiroo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Intoon dhiig ka miirto maatida</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maryahaan ku tukado marmarin maayee</i></b><br />
<b><i> Jidiinka madow nafyahay ha maqline ….</i></b><br />
Tuduc dheer oo labaatan meeris ka badan buu ku talaxtegayaa inta xumo
uu qayrkii ku kaco ee dhimashada if iyo aakhiro laga dheefo. Jidka
nolosha dhabta ah ee uu naftiisa u dooray buu farshaxnimo qarqoorayaa.
Waa laba jid oo mid ba miishiisa wax geeyo. Mid sharqabahaa leh oo
naarta ayuu wax geeyaa; ka kale waa jidkii Nabi Maxamed(csws) oo asaga
ayaa lagu la rafiiqaa. Kan dambe ayuu Xasan doortay. Go’aanka xorriyadda
iyo nolosha dhabta ah ayuu qaatay. Maalinta ay u daran tahay, in uu
maciisa noqdo oo uu xawdkiisa ka cabbo ayuu ka doorbiday, la-moodda ifka
lagu hayo. Asaga oo naftiisa la hadlaya waxa uu leeyahay:<br />
<b><i>Ifka ba maararrowgu waa maalmee</i></b><br />
<b><i> Marinka ha ka tegin la mahadinayoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Jannadaa malab iyo macaan badan lehe</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maalintay darantee miciinka dhabta ah</i></b><br />
<b><i> Mursalkii Alle doortay oo Maxamed ah</i></b><br />
<b><i> In aan madashaas maciisa noqodoon</i></b><br />
<b><i> Xawdkiisa maggaabso ka ma maarmarmee…</i>..</b><br />
Sibiq iyo si ma-garato ah ayey tixdu nabi ammaan ugu siibaynaysaa.
Doorashada ereyada suugaaneed iyo suuradinta hummaagyada uu agaabaynayo,
ayaa gaar u suntaya nabi ammaakan. Farshaxannimadii Xasan Ganey lagu
ogaa, waxa ay soo ururinaysaa intii Soomaalidu bilic dabeecadeed iyo tu
duunyo iyo uduggeed taaqaannay. Adiga oo isla baraad la’ ayaad ku
hambaberaysaa ammaanta Nabi Maxamed(CSWS). Waxa uu ku soo hoorinayaa oo
aad wax walba ku illaabaysaa:<br />
<b><i>Shan kastoy marsadaan malyuun cadarro ah</i></b><br />
<b><i> Intaasu madad iyo marqaan ma lahee</i></b><br />
<b><i> Waxaan marag iyo markhaati ka ahay</i></b><br />
<b><i> Macbuudkaa ka abuuray maawaradoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Udgoon aan maydhmin Maxamed baa helay.</i></b><br />
Si kale ayuu u geeddi gelinayaa tixda. Kartida halabuurka cabqariga
ahi xeerar iyo xuduudo jiray bay marar badan jebisaa. Quwadda hibada
ayaa hoggaamisa oo u tallaabisa hirar aan qofka ku talo-galkiisa ahayn.
Ma filayo Xasan Cabdillaahi “Xasan ganey” in uu u hankaabsay oo ku
fikiray dhisidda suuro suryaali ah oo suugaaneed. Bal ma filayo in uu
xataa magaca surealism maqlay. Ayada oo sidaa ah, hadda na waxa uu
ballaysimay oo aan looga horrayn, habdhismeed farshaxannimo suugaaneed,
oo wejigaas leh ama salsallaawaya.<br />
Weligeed ba suugaanta Soomaalidu way taqaannay qofayn ama wax aan dad
ahayn oo laga hadliyo. Oollinta lamataabtaanku na ka ma wada maqnayn.
Maahmaahda tidhaa “Illayn” ama “illeen talo isu ma kaa sheegto” ayaa u
tusaale ah oo taladii ayey ka dhigeen wax nool oo meeljoog leh oo
hadlaya. Wax badan oo ah habardugaag hadlaya oo sida dadka u dhaqmaya,
ayaa suugaanta Soomaalida ka buuxa. Xasan Ganey, sida ay ila tahay, tan
horteed ba, dheeraad buu taas ku lahaa. Weliba asagu ka ma hadlin oo
keli ah ee ma-noolaha wuu ba la hadlay. Tusaale ahaan, tixdiisa
Dhegdheer(1982kii), geedka dhillowyanka oo ay suugaanta Soomaalidu, badi
ba ugu sarbeebato deriskunoolnimo, toos buu u la hadayaa oo waxa uu ku
odhnayaa:<br />
<b><i>Adigu na dhillowyahan</i></b><br />
<b><i> Dhirta aad ku marantahay</i></b><br />
<b><i> Dhaqan la ma wadaagtide</i></b><br />
<b><i> Haddaad xididdo dheertahay</i></b><br />
<b><i> Dhoobadaa Ilaahay</i></b><br />
<b><i> Rarka meel ad dhigatiyo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Dharroor maad ka daydayan?!</i></b><br />
Tusaale kale oo kooban na, tixdiisa Carceer, waxa uu la hadlayaa
ma-noolaha ceeryaamada oo uu leeyahay waxa aad quudhsatay cadceed aad
dhulka iskaga gudbtay, ka dibna aad wax isku moodday. Wuxuu yidhi:<br />
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<b><i>Qorraxda ceeryaamoyahay,</i></b><br />
<b><i> Canaanta u jeedisaa;</i></b><br />
<b><i> Cadceedda dulmaa qarshee,</i></b><br />
<b><i> Ciirow waa baa caddaan.</i></b><br />
Duurxulka afartan meeris, waxa uu dhacayaa cid uun been wax isku
moodday; waa se meel aynaan hadda u dan lahayn oo intaas u dhaafi mayno.
Ma se cusba oo Xasan iyo qarkiiba ka hadliye mayeedhaanka, noole iyo
manoole ba; halkanse asagu waa uu la hadalay. Tixdan Miski waxa jira
hirkicimo suugaaneed oo aan labadaas midna ahayn, Xasan na aan looga
horrayn. Waxa uu goob iyo gelbis isugu keenay midabbo badan oo ah
cadrado hablood, midkood waliba na ay meesheeda u goonid ah ku qurux
leeedahay. Waxa uu ku gaafayaa daruuraha cirka iyo xiddigaha; waxa uu ka
arbaynayaa dayaxa oo guurumeer ah. Hasaawaha iyo deexashada midda uu ka
calmado, ayuu uga sii xiisayaa oo uu gaashaynayaa. Waa la hashiiyey oo
aroos aan meher iyo macsi mid na lahayn, la na muraad seegin, baa u
dhacaya oo waa lagu reeyey. Maxfalkeeda ayeynu daawanaynaa. Xiddigah
ayaa ka milxiisaya oo arooska ka mashxaradaya; daruuraha ayaa gelbinayaa
oo onkodka ayaa muusigga u tumaya. Waxa uu Xasan ina soo hordhigayaa oo
aynu ku ashqaraaraynnaa gaafaan suuro gudban ah oo aynu ka daawanayno
adduun ka koobma dabbaaldeg midabbo ah:<br />
<b><i>Dayaxooy soddon midab macsuumeen oo;</i></b><br />
<b><i> Daruuro malaasan meegaartoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Caddaan u muquurtay maariinoo,</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maydhaan ku sameeyey muuqiiyoo,</i></b><br />
<b><i> Miskeed yidhi sagal macaan badanoo,</i></b><br />
<b><i> Mareego ku yeeshay madaxii iyo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Miliilicay maydal qoor dheer oo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Cagaar magansaday mucda u galay oo,</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maamuusay madow qardhaaso leh oo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Ximir aan iska maydhin caad miray iyo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Mataano yihiin mascideed oo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maalay iyo xaydh mullaaxsaday oo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maslaxanaaya dhiin masayr galay oo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Mukhayntii ka yeeshay maasha Alloo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Cawlaan la madaystay xoosh makaloo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Muquunshay intaanu moos odhan oo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Mudkiyo isku loohay maydhaqa oo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Ka milicsaday meel agtiisa ah iyo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Sugul u majeertay mee yidhi oo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Casuus ka maqnayd u muhanaayoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Meehaahay intuu ku maaxdumayoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Jeegaan isku maray macawiso leh….</i></b><br />
Sida uu u wado, ayuu sowsaba iyo samada ina la korayaa. Mar qudha
ayuu ina soo dejinayaa. Adduunkii quruxda, waxa uu haddda, ku soo
hoorinayaa ammaanta nabi Maxamed(scws). Inta uu mar keli ah kaa
dhexqaado gaafaantii ahayd quruxda midabbada, gelbiskii dayaxa,
daruuraha iyo xiddigaha, ayuu ammaanta Nabiga (csws) ka kor kaga
keenayaa.<br />
<b><i>Shantooy muunaddaas indhuhu mahadshaan</i></b><br />
<b><i> Intaasu madad iyo marqaan ma lahee</i></b><br />
<b><i> Waxaan marag iyo markhaati ka ahay</i></b><br />
<b><i> Mudanow nebigaa ka muuq dheer.</i></b><br />
Gaafada dabbaaldegga abuurta Alle; dayaxa guurdoonka ah, daruuraha
iyo xiddigaha, onkodka iyo hillaaca iyo hablaha midabbada ahi, sidee ugu
soo dhaceen maansoyahanka Xasan? Muran ma laha oo tan oo kale waa wax
ka soo hinqada wacyiga duunka hoose ama shishe ee kartida halabuuraha
cabqariga ah. Waa sawirro meel fog laga male-awaalo oo aan dad badan
laga helin; halabuurrada fanku na aanay, awood ahaan, ka sinnayn. Waxa
ay u badan tahay in aanu Xasan war ka haynin dugsiga fanka ee suryaaliga
la yidhaahdo(Surealism). Ayada oo sidaas ah, haddana Xasan Cabdillaahi,
kartida hummaagaynta cabqariga ah ayaa hoggaamisay oo ka keentay
suuraymahaas maan-daalidka ah.<br />
Hadda na, mar kale, tixda Miski waa tan oo waa Nebi Ammaan. Tuducyaas
dheer bay uga gudbaysaa habeenkii Nebi Maxamed(scws) loo dheelmay
samada. Habeenkii Maqdis la geeyey iyo geenyadii qaadday; derajada
sarraysa ee Alle u deeqay iyo risaaladda lagu sharfay.<br />
<b><i>Quraankoo mucjiso ayuu mulkiyoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maskaxdii dunidoo masuulka runta ah</i></b><br />
<b><i> U macallin ah meyti iyo xay</i></b><br />
<b><i> Mowlahaa kor u qaaday magaciisoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Waxaan marag iyo markhaati ka ahay</i></b><br />
<b><i> Makhluuqa in uu u mudanyahay….</i></b><br />
Xasan Cabdillaahi”Xasan Ganey”, maansada Miski waxa uu ku soo
goynayaa duco qalbiga qofkii Alle yaqaan, ku dhegaysa; duco runtii mudan
in korka laga qabto. Waxa uu ducadiisa ka ambaqaadayaa sifaynta
maaalinta Qiyaamaha ee Alle hortii la taaganyahay. In badan baynu
maqallay sifaalaheeda; se maansaynta Xasan baa soo dhaweynaysa oo ku
dhex geynaysa maalintaas iyo xaaldda lagu suganyahay. Maxsharka la
tubanyahay; muddugga qaawan ee la wada yahay; maalqabeen iyo mucsur,
madax iyo minjo, milicda la wada tuban yahay, surmiga iyo gaajada laga
simanyahay; maalinta ay xubnaha jidhku mudduci noqonayaan ee naf iyo wax
ay mudan maaliggu uun ogyahay, maalintaas ayuu Xasan xusayaa oo Alle,
sidan u baryayaa:<br />
<b><i>Macbuudka Alle an magansanayow</i></b><br />
<b><i> In kastoon Maka iyo Madiina ba tegey</i></b><br />
<b><i> Faralka ka maqnaan maskiiddada oo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Soonka na ku mitido markaan ladanahay</i></b><br />
<b><i> Sakada ku masuugin maal hayn</i></b><br />
<b><i> Ma moogi in aan madmadow badanoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Miciinkaagu waa mid mowjadahoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Addoon ku martiyey mindhaa ma qadee</i></b><br />
<b><i> Dembigaannu maleegnay naga maydhoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Dhammaan muslimiinta maamuusoo</i></b><br />
<b><i> Jannadaada macaan ha noo miyin.</i></b><br />
Tixdu guud ahaan, fartii Xasan Ganey bay leedahay. Ereyga iyo
suuradaha hummaagga toolmoon iyo toyashada murtida mugga leh;
shareereyaasha duurxulk fog leh iyo shubaalinta hadalka inta ba, dhiskii
maansada Xasan Ganey ku goonida ahayd, bay txidani wadataa. Waxaa si
gaar ah tixdan u sii astaynayaa oo ayadana maansada Xasan lagu yaqaan,
sunsuminta sadarrada tixda ee uu, sida goonida ah ugu adeejiyo
xidhiidhiyeyaasha hadalka , sida iyo, ee, oo. Xidhiidhiyeyaashanu
tebinta macnaha sadarrada iyo tuducyada tixda ayey sululuxiyaan oo ay
bilciyaan. Maansada Xasan Ganey baa, si gaar ah, ugu suntan taas oo lagu
yaqaan.<br />
Ugu dambayn, waxaynu hore u nidhi tixdan Miski, ta uu Xasan
qofnimadiisa u dooray buu ina soo hordhigayaa. Daw cusub buu maansadan
mariyey, waa na jid uu maansoyahanka kasta oo kale na uu wax ku tusayo.
Waxaa sweeye, soojireenkii maansada Soomaalida, gabaygu waxa uu ku caan
ahaa arar iyo dhextaal uu maansoyahanku isku faaniyo, qaayaha tixdiisana
ku buunbuuniyo. In kasta oo aan isla-weynida la ammaani jirin, hadda na
dhaqan bay ahayd oo gabaygaaga lagu ma qoonsan jirin. Xasan Cabdillaahi
“ Xasan Ganey” tixdiisan Miski, doorashadiisa nolosha, if iyo aakhiroba
ah, ayuu jid hor leh u furayaa. Dawga dadnimada ku wacan buu qaaday.
Sidaa darteed waxa uu ka xiidhiidh-goostay oo ku falaagoobay jidraacii
naftii-hafarka ahaa ee lagu ogaa maansoyahanka Soomaalida. Alle iyo
aadamiga ba wuu isu dhuldhigayaa oo kartiisa iyo murtidiisa ba wuu
yaraysanayaa. Badweynta tixdiisan Miski oo aanan runtii, garanayn mid la
agdhigo, waxa uu inooga dhigayaa bilaale. Waxa la yaab leh sida ay u
kala fogyahiin tixdan iyo tilmaanta Xasan naftiisa ka bixinayaa. Murti
la tirshaba qayrkii baa iska leh; asagu se tiisa waxa uu ku sheegayaa
luggooyo. Tusaale ahaan, maahmaahahan soo socda oo aanan runtii
garanaynin -qurux iyo murti- wax loo dhigo, ayuu ujeeddada quudhsiga
naftiisa ugu soo araranyaa:<br />
<b><i>Masalo adag oo mihaajka ku taal;</i></b><br />
<b><i> Marsada cilmiga ah muftaa furfura.</i></b><br />
<b><i> Marwadii fiican baa majeero geyda.</i></b><br />
<b><i> Hashii mohollinaa martida deeqda.</i></b><br />
<b><i> Soorta na milixdaa macaanaysa.</i></b><br />
<b><i> Rag baa maaxda oo mataano roga.</i></b><br />
<b><i> Suugaanta mugga weyn in baa murtisee;</i></b><br />
<b><i> Anigu ma aqaan murtida la tirshee;</i></b><br />
<b><i> Shantayda midh waan mutuhinaayee;</i></b><br />
<b><i> Maansada aan luggooyo miimka ah.</i></b><br />
Isdiiddada murtida culus ee maansadan Miski iyo heerka isdhuldhigga
curiyaha Xasan Ganey, ayaa maansada sii qurxinaya, asaga na kor u
qaadaya oo haybad iyo sharaf huwinaya. Mar ba si buu ugu imanayaa
saddexda sadar ama meeris ee dhextaalka ugu dambeeya. Mar walba na si
gooni ah buu kuu ashaqaraar gelinayaa.<br />
If iyo aakhiro ba Xasan Xaaji Cabdillaahi” Xasan Ganey” nolosha
dhabta buu doortay oo uu inoo doorayaa; waayoo qofkeen walba
faldhaqankiisu waa baaq uu cid wal ugu yeedhayo oo farayo in uu yeelo
sida uu yeelay. Tixdan ayada ah, Xasan waxa uu sheegtay xornimo; waayo,
loo ma doorin ee asagaa ku go’aan qaatay xornimada aadami lagu yahay.
Waa jidka Alle loogu addoon yahay ee qayrkii na lagaga xor yahay.<br />
<b>W.Q Rashiid Sheekh Cabdillaahi X . Axmed (Rashiid Gadhweyne)</b><br />
<b>Email: <a href="https://www.blogger.com/null">rshid.dalla@gmail.com</a></b></div>
Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-61255223840895789452017-08-17T00:04:00.001-07:002017-08-17T00:04:53.932-07:00QARAARKA MAXKAMADDA DASTUURIGA; MA WUXUU AHAA NINKII ROONI AQALKA HA U HADHO? by Garyaq, Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul. <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Qaabka
uu u dhignaa Go'aankii ugu dambeeyay Maxkamadda Dastuurga ahaa, wuxuu u
muuqday mid ku salaysan hab-dacwadeedka, oo aan shaqo ku lahayn
nuxurkii khilaaf ee u dhexeeyay dhinacyada (merit). Waxay maxkamadu
hareer iskaga weecisay ka garnaqista dacwaddii uu Talyanleh uu kaga
codsanayay in dib-u-eegis garsoor (judicial review) loogu sameeyo
go'aankii Golaha ee lagu doortay Guddoomiyaha cusub ee Golaha 6-dii
bishan, Iyadoo Maxkamadu tilmaantay in aanay arrinta loosoo gudbiyay
ahayn mid dastuuriya, balse ay la xidhiidho xeer hoosaadka G/wakiilada.
Sidaasi darteedna ayna u gudogali dooddeeda. Waxaanay kusoo
gabo-gabaysay in arrintaasi dib loo gula noqdo Golaha, iyadoo loo eegayo
xeer-hoosaadka Goluhu sida uu dhigayo. </span>
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Maxkamaddu
halkaasi kagamay hadhine, haddana waxaad arkaysaa iyadoo
hab-dacwadeedkii ka gudubtay oo hoos ugu dhaadhacday nuxurkii khilaaf ee
ay cabashadu ka taagnayd oo ahaa qaabkii uu, u dhacay fadhigii
G/wakiiladu ee la isku qabtay natiijadii cod-bixintiisa. Maxkamaddu
waxay ku tillmaanatay fadhigaasi su'aashu ka taagnayd natiijadiisa, mid
loo maray sidii xeer-hoosaadku dhigayay<b> (procedural rules</b>).
Iyadoo waliba aamusnaantii xildhibaan Talyanleh saaxiibadiisa ka
dhigatay inay caddayn u tahay inay wax waliba sidii loo baahnaa u
socdeen, balse ay sheekadan danbe keeneen markii ay dhammaadeen ee la
isla qaatay ciddii ku guulaysatay loollankii loogu jiray afhayeenka
aqalka. </span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Miyaanay taasi ahayn dooddii laga filayay dhinaca kale?</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"> Maxkamaddu ma iyadaa la garnaqsatay Cabdiraxmaan Talyanleh? </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Sidee ayay Maxkamadu u qaraarisay nuxur khilaaf oo aanay dhinacyadii isku hayay horteeda kaga doodin? </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Haddayna
Dastuuri ahayn arrintani gabi ahaanba, oo aanay dacwaddani ka furmi
karin Maxkamadda, maxay haddaas ku keentay inay wixii ka dhacay Golaha
6-dii August, ku tilmaanto tallaabooyin </span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">waafaqsanaa xeer-hoosaadka aqalka? </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Miyaanay ahayn inay ku ekaato Dastuuri ma ahadaas?</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Haddiiba
ay ka hadashay dulucda arrinta (point of issue), may ahayn inay
Maxkamadu ag mar-marto. Waxay ahayd inay si buuxda u go'aamiso wixii
looga dheg-taagayay, oo ay si xeel-dheer u daristo waxa la isku </span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">oo
kusoo biyo shubanayaysa su'aasha ah "Go'aanka golaha ee lagu caddeeyay
musharraxa ku guulaystay guddoomiyannimada goluhu, ma yahay mid sharciya
oon mad-madaw ku jirin misa maaha? " Jawaabta su'aashaasi, waxay ahaan
lahayd mid la xidhiidha arjigii dib-u-eegista go'aan ee maxkamadda
loosoo gudbistay. Waxaana soo bixi lahaa go'aan dastuuriya maadaama oo
waxa laga garnaqayaa uu yahay xil kamida xilalka dastuuriga ah sidii
lagu buuxin lahaa. Go'aankaasina wuxuu noqon lahaa mid ku salaysan
nuxurkii khilaafka (<b>Decision on merit</b>). kaasi oo noqon lahaa sidan qodob midkood uun; </span><br />
<br />
<ol>
<li><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"> inay
ayiddoo natiijadii shirgudoonkii ku meelgaadhka ahaa ku dhawaaqay oo ay
Baashe u aqoonsato guddoomiyaha Aqalka, deeddafaysana doodii
dacwoodaha. </span></li>
<li><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">inay
laasho natiijadii cod-bixinta, haddii ay ku qanacdo inuu mad-madaw ku
jiro natiijada, oo la horkeeno caddaymo lagu kalsoonaan karo, Kadibna ay
amarto in mar kale lagu celiyo codbixinta sida uu dhigayo <a href="http://www.somalilandlaw.com/HoR_Rules_2006.pdf" target="_blank">xeer-hoosaadk<span id="goog_849381661"></span><span id="goog_849381662"></span>a</a> aqalku (iyadoo waliba qaabka ka hufan qaabkii hore loo codaynayo).</span></li>
</ol>
<div>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Haddii aynu ka eegno dhinac habraac eed mooddo inay Maxkamadu ka jawaabtay su'aasha ahayd '<b>Cabashada loosoo gudbiyay, ma tahay mid la dhageysan karo oo ku salaysan xaqiiqo iyo sharciba?'</b> Waxaanay Maxkamadu kaga jawaabtay "ma aha", iyadoo ku salaysay inayna doodda loo soo gudbiyay aanay waafaqsanayn Qodobka <b>98(1)</b>
ee dastuurka. Maadaamo oo ay maxkamadani tahay, maxkamad fasiraadeed,
waxa la gudboonnaa, inay asbaabteeda qaraar inoogu qeexdo, waxa ay tahay
<b>'dacwad dastuuriya'</b> ama shuruudaha laga rabo dacwad dastuuriya ee aanay buuxin cabashadani. Taasi oo aanay Maxkamadu samaynin.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Waxaana
Go'aankeedaasi, kasoo bixi lahaa fasiraad sharciyeed oo dacwadaha
dambe lagaga qiyaas qaato. Sidoo kalana waxaynu fahmi lahayn, sababta ay
dacwaddan Talyanle u noqn weyday mid dastuuriya, ee ay Dastuuri u
noqotay, dacwaddii Baashe Faarax, ee uu kasoo baxay go'aankii (</span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">MS/GMS/G-7/282/2013) ee</span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"> ay Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ahi ku hakisay magacaabista guddi-hoosaadyadii Aqalka? </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Muxuu yahay Faraqa labada dacwadood u dhexeeya, waayo labaduba waxay xidhiidh la lahaayeen Xeer-hoosaadka G/Wakiilada? L</span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">abaduba waxay khuseeyeen go'aanno uu lahaa Aqalku Wakiilladu ? </span></div>
<div>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Labadaasi arrimoo</span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">dba
waxay soo afjari lahaayeen khilafkii Golaha, waxay Maxkamadu noqon
lahayd mid gudatay xilkeedii Dastuuriga ahaa oo aan ka baxsanin. Waayo
Garsoorka waxaynu u samaysannay inuu noqdo bar-dhammaadka khilaafkasta
oo lagala maarmi waayo xalk ka gaadhistiisa. Waana laga qurux badnaa
inay Maxkamadu waji kale u yeesho khilaafkii soo gaadhay, iyadoo waliba
aaminsan inuu khilaafkii wali taaganyahay marka ay soo jeedinayso inay
mudanayaashu khilaafkooga ku dhammeystaan aqalkooda. Hadday ku
dhammeysan karaan, maxaa keenay Maxkamadda? Haddayse ku dhammaysan kari
waayaan, miyaannay ahayn kii roon Golaha ha usoo hadho marka ay labada
qoloba, tiro ahaan isku dhigmaan, qolo walibana shirguddoon gaar ah
wadato, oo aanu jirin mid la isla wada aqoonsanyahay, tiradooduna ayna
waxba isdheerayn?</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Haddii aad eegto asbaabta ay maxkamaddu u cuskatay qaraarka ee ay ku sheegtay <b>"in aanay jirin cid durtay habkii loo raacay codaynta</b>",
Waa dhab oo may jirin codaynta ka hor iyo marka codoyntu socotayba wax
buuq ah amma duris oo ka dhex dhacday Fadhigii Golaha, Xildhibaannadu si
deggan ayay u fadhiyeen, wax walibana waxa uu udhacay si qurux badan,
tar-tamayaashuna raalibay ka ahaayeen qaabkii loo guddoominayay fadhiga.
Waana halka aad mar is odhan karto Maxkamadu markay leedahay fadhigu
wuxuu dhacay si waafaqsan nidaamkiisii caadiga ahaa, wey saxsantahay.
Balse markaad dhuuxdo doodda dacwoodaha, waxaad arkaysaa inuu leeyahay
ismalaha cod-tirintii iyo natiijadii lagu dhawaaqay. Taasi oo noqon
lahayd mid uu ku saxsanyahay amma uu ku qaldanyahay haddii la siin
lahaa fursad lagula darso, oo lagula eego wuxuu cuskaynayo. Halkan se
waxay Maxkamadu kaga hadlaysaa uun xilliga ay tabashadani timid inay
tahay xilli ay xeedho iyo fandhaal kala dhaceen, oo ay markii hore ahayd
inuu dacwdooduhu duro natiijada, taasi ood u fahmi kartid in la lagu
leeyahay 'waxaad ku deg-degtay hambalysada'. Dooddaasi maxkamadeedna waa
mid uun ka hadlaysa waqtiga ay cabashadu timid, ee maaha mid ka
hadlaysa waxay cabashadu ka timid. </span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Mana
jiro qodob-sharci oo waqtiyaynaya saacadaha ay tahay in la duro amma
laga cawdo go'aan sidan oo kale oo u dhacay. Haddii aad wax qalad
ismoodsiiso inuu saxyahay,<b>(Mistake of Fact</b>) hadhawto xaq uma
lihid inaad codsato dib-u-sixiddeeda? Sharciga wax loo samaysato in
aanay cidina u qatalmin cid kale, oo si cad loogu maareeyo danaha iyo
xidhiidhka dadka dhexmara. Ha noqdo xidhiidhkaasi mid bulsho, dhaqaale
iyo siyaasadeedba. Sidaasi darteed ayaanay sax ahayn in lagu yidhaahdo
"waa lagula gaadhaye iska qaado", balse wuxuu Sharcigu jidaynayaa in
aanu qofna ku ladin wax uu si weecsan ku kasbaday <b>(negative gain</b>): ha noqoto adduun, kursi, magac iwm.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Arrinta kale ee xusidda mudani, balse aanan jeclayn inaan kusii dheeraado waa xeerka hoosaadka Golaha iyo Qodobadiisa</span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">, (Xeer Lr 1/2006) </span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"> ay Maxkamadu u cuskatay maadaamo oo la baabiiyay, sida aan kasoo xigtay bart sharciyada ee la yidhaahdo <a href="http://www.somalilandlaw.com/standing_rules_of_parliament_.html#HRSRtitle" target="_blank">Somaliland law</a>, taasi oo sheegtay inuu meesha ka saarayo xeer hoosaadka ka dambeeyay ee (Xr Lr 12/2014) oo ka kooban 73 Qodob. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Maxkamaddu
waxay qaraarkeeda ku sheegtay in aanay dacwaddani ahayn mid dastuuriya,
sidaa darteedana aanay ka garnaqisteedu u bannaanayn. Dooddaasi oo
aanan anigu qabin inay sax tahay (haddii waxa la isku hayaa uu yahay
go'aankii golaha ee lagu iclaamiyay Shirgudoonka Cusub ee Golaha
Wakiilada). Go'aankaasi oo ay tahay in sharci ahaan la aaminsanaado <b>(Presumption to be valid)</b> illaa inta ay caddaymo liddi ku ah lagu burinayo ansaxnimadaasi. Waxaanay dacwaddani dastuuri ku tahay sababahan;</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<ol>
<li style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Marka laga yimaaddo Qodob sharciyeed oo la isku hayo fasiraaddiisa, waxa sidoo kale noqon kara dacwad dastuuriya;</span></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Go'aan
kasoo baxa gole dastuuriya oo la isku qabtay dastuurinnamadiisa, ama
ansaxnimadiisa. Ku dhawaaqista Guddoomiyannimada Baashe Maxamed Faarax,
waxay ahayd go'aan gole oo uu shirguddoonku ku dhawaaqey. Sidaa darteed
dib-u-eegista Garsoor ee maxkamadda laga codsaday waa mid noqon karta
Dastuuri amaba idaari. </span></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Go'aanka
Dib-u-eegista garsoor la marinayona waa inuu noqdaa mid ay kasoo
cabatay cid/hay'ad uu go'aankaasi saameeyay awood ama xaq uu lahaa.
Cabdiraxmaan Talyanle xaqbuu u lahaa <b>(locus standi</b>) inuu dib-u-eegistaasi dalbado maadamao oo go'aankaasi saameeyay xaq siyaasadeed oo uu lahaa.</span></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Doorashada Shirguddoonka G/wakiiladu waa arrin dastuuriya (<b>Qod</b>; <b>44/3 Dastuurka</b>).
Shirguddoonku waa ciddii ku hadlaysay awoodda Golaha ee meelwalba ku
matalaysay magaca wakiilada. Waana arrin dastuuriya inuu Goluhu lahaado
Shirguddoon uu isku raacsanyahay si uu, u ahaado Gole gudan kara
waajibaadkiisa, Sidaa darteedna Xilka guddoomiyaha aqalku lama mid aha
magacaabista Guddi-hoosaadyada aqalka, iwm.</span></li>
<li style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Cabashada
Maxkamada loo soo gudbiyay maaha mooshin dib loo dhig-dhigi karo oo la
mid ah arrimaha caadiga aha een xidhiidhka la lahayn mansabka
shirguddoonka, amaba uu Guddoomiyuhu kala simanyahay xildhibaannada
kale, Balse arrintani waa mid saamaynaysa dhismihii iyo wadajirkii
golaha. Waayo waxa la isku hayaa, ciddii fadhiga soo socda guddoomin
lahayd Golaha wakiilada. </span></li>
</ol>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Waxa
sidoo kale jirta dood sharciyeed oo gabi ahaanba kasoo horjeedda doorka
garnaqiseed ee Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ku leedahay arrimaha kuwan oo kale
ah ee Gole Dastuuriya uu isku qabto. </span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Sharciyaqaannada
aragtidaasi qaba ayaa ku doodaya inuu Golaha wakiiladu yahay aqal
ismaamula oo ka madaxbaannaan Waaxda Garsoorka, arrimihiisana ay tahay
inuu isagu dhammaysto isagoo u maraya xeer-hoosaadyadiisa. Waxayna
qabaan in go'aan kasta oo garsoor oo la xidhiidha arimaha nidaam ee
xeerdajinta, uu yahay farogalin Waaxeed.</span></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Kala-madax-bannaanaanta Saddexda Waaxood<b> (Separation of powers)</b>
ee dawladdu maaha aragti koox gaar ahi wadato, balse waa mabda'
dastuuriya. Waxa se jira, garyaqaano marka ay hadlayaan, kala
madax-bannaanta awoodaha, indhaha ka lalinaya, mabda'a kale isna ku
lammaan ee <b>'isxisaabinta waaxaha qaranka</b>' <b>(Check and Balance).</b>
Waa run oo Maxkamada Dastuuriga ahi, ma farogalin karto arrimo waaxaha
kale, haddii aanay iyagu buuqooga lasoo doonan. Marka se, looga soo
cawdo amaba ay iyagu soo kala cawdaan, waxa Maxkamadda ku waajiba inay
ciddaas/hay'addaasi caddaaladda soo bidday u jawaabto.</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;"> <span style="font-weight: normal;">Khilaafkasta
oo laba dhinac u dhexeeyaa, wuxuu ku dhammaan karaa, saddex qaab mid
uun 1); iyadoo dhinacyada is-hayaa ay iskood uga heshiiyaan, 2) Iyadoo
mid muquuniyo midka kale, oo dhinaca la muquuniyaa isdhiibista xal
mooddo , 3) iyadoo dhinacyada is khilaafsani ay iskula tagaan dhinac
saddexaad oo iyaga ka madax bannaan, kaasi oo laga filayo go'aan
dhex-dhexaada. Markaas Garyaqaannada diiddan awoodda gar-qaadiseed ee
Maxkamadu bal waa kaase ha sheegaan wajiga afraad ee uu ku dhamman karo
khilaafka Aqalka Wakiilada ka aloosan iyo midkasta oo lamid ahiba, marka
ay labada waji ee hore fashilmaan ee xal lagu gaadhi waayo?</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Guntii
iyo gobo-gabadii, khilaafyada dastuuriga ahi ama kuwa maamul (ee u
dhexeeya dawlada iyo dawlada, ama dadka iyo dawladdu) maaha wax la
sharaysto, balse waxay tilmaamayaan koritaanka aragtida iyo Fahamka
sharci ee bulshada. Waxaanay dhinac kale tusaale u yihiin, inaynu nahay
bulsho siyaasadeed oo uu ku-dhaqanka sharcigu <b>(rule of law)</b>
xaggooga ka jiro. Taasina suurto gali mayso, haddii aanu fikirka
Maxkamadaheenu halkiisaasi ka korin, oo aanay ragga shaadirka madaw u
qaatay ee miiska saarani, aanay ku dadaalin sidii ay u curin lahaayeen
mabadi' sharci oo dhaafsiisan xalalka ku meelgaadhka ah ee galalka
horyaalla. Waxaana yoolkaasi, ka midho dhalin kara, Garsoor dhiirran iyo
sharciyqaano daah-furleh, oo si xeel dheer uga baaraandaga doodaha
dastuuriga ah ee ka dhasha goldaloolooyinka sharciyeed ee jira. Markaas
ayuu noqon karaa, dastuurka iyo nidaamka siyaasiga ahi mid kora, oo ina
siiya faham ballaadhan oo ku saabsan xuquuqda iyo waajibaadka
guud/gaarka ah ee nidaamka bulsho-siyaasadeed dimuqraadiya ku
dhisanyahay. </span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Sidoo kale, waxa loo baahanyahay in la sameeyo, xeerkii Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ahaa (<b>Constitutional and Administrative Court Act</b>),
kaasi oo nidaamiya, hab-dacwadeedka la xidhiidha arrimaha maamul iyo
kuwa dastuuriga ah, si ay ilaalinta xuquuqda dastuuriga ah ee
muwaadinku u noqoto waajib-sharciyeed oo dhaqangala, oo hayadihii u
xilka saarnaa lagala xisaabtami karo. Haddii xeerkaasi sidaasi usii
maqnaadana, xuquuqda iyo xorriyaadka muwaadinku waxay ahaan doonaan,
siday imikaba yihiin: khad-madaw oo ku xardhan baal cad.<br /> </span><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif; font-weight: normal;"><br /></span><span style="font-weight: normal;"> </span><span style="font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-family: "georgia" , "times new roman" , serif;">Garyaqaan Maxamed Axmed Cabdi Bacaluul (waddi 12@gmail.com)</span></span></div>
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-60169249289235351202017-08-14T10:29:00.001-07:002017-08-14T10:29:40.468-07:00 “Alle Doori Baan Ahay”!! Qore: Maxamed Baashi Xaaji Xasan <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Jikaar iyo muran caalwaa’ ayuun buu awel hore ba saaxiibkii ku yuubayey ee wuu dareensanaa inuu ka soo baydhay jidkaas ay naftiisu ku naalloon jirtey. Jid uu isku daawan jirey oo sida muraayadda qofnimadiisa uu uga dhex halacsan jirey. Jid uu isku daawayn jirey oo aan u qodax badnayn sida kan qardabooyinka badan ee ay waayadan dambe kashiisu barriinsatay ee uu garasho diidayo.</div>
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<b>Dakharrada iyo nabarrada jidhkiisa ku dhacaya ee haddeerto qoomaya,</b> iyo haaraha quluubtiisa hoose damaqa ku haya ee xagxaganaya, ayaa dab naar ka kulul naftiisa ku shidaya. Waxa uu duunkiisa hoose kula faqayaa sida degdegga badan ee ahaanshihiisii dadnimo iyo isaga qofnimadiisii ay u kala suudaleen; u kala haydhafeen ee ay maanta isu la’ yihiin!! “Goormaad sidaas u duntay?” ayuu is weydiinayaa.</div>
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Tirsigii waayahaa ka gedmadey. Waxa uu dhex taagan yahay oo kol ba mid maan dhuganayaa laba dhacdo oo ka mid ah sooyaalkiisa: 26-ka Juun iyo 18-ka May. Waxa uu ku mashquulayaa oo maskaxdiisu ku raagaysaa dib u hilaadin ku taxmaysa waayahaas ka soo jeeda 1960 iyo 1991, iyo wixii ka dambeeyey iyo waayihii labadaa ba ka horreeyey, waxaanu tagtooyinkaas u barkinayaa joogtadiisa. Dabadeedna waxa uu maggaabinayaa xaqiiqo mur iyo deebaaq ka qadhaadh oo hoosta uga xarriiqaysa timaaddadiisa ku soo foolka leh ee waayahan rimmani ummuli karaan. Ma niyadsama oo dareenka taban baa ku badan. Waxa uu maalin kasta u soo joogey, maanta na daawade waayo-arag ah ka yahay foolxumooyinka karkaarrada sii jabsanaya ee sida “daadkii Xaabaale” u butaac-haraaciyaya degaanka roobabka mahiigaanka ah ee da’aa biyahoodu aanay solin ee uu ku nool yahay.</div>
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Waxa uu is waydiinayaa halka habaarku ka haleelay ee laga raacay. Waxa uu isu arkaa nin daad la soo tegey oo dul heehaabaya oo mawjad cirbaxaysaa sidato. Qun-u-jeed buu ula socdaa in mututuulkii uu dogobka moodayey noqday xumbo dagagaran oo aan cuskasho geli karin! Aragtidii gondihiisa ku sugnayd waxa ay ku noqotay “xabbad basal ah oo farihiisa ku burburaysa”! Sidii uu kol ba lakab u faydayey ayay farihiisa ku baaba’day! Wuu dareensan yahay inuu uga aayey oo ka dheefsaday dhib uun: “qudhmuun iyo xajiin”. Labada indhood baa hoor ka da’ayaa. Dadku na hinaasi bay moodayaan! Waa se nin kadeedan oo godkiisa biyo ugu galeen! Waxa cuyuban iyo la-ma-arag agtiisa tuuran ee baylah afka ku soo kala qaadday iyo inta neecaw dellegan ku soo neefaysa ee kol ba sankiisu qaadanayo, ayuu dhabannada iyo dhafoorrada is hayaa! Wuu se og yahay inuu isagu wax badan mas’uul ka yahay. </div>
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Waa abaalkaaye cidna ba ha eersan buu naftiisa hoos ugu la xanshashaqayaa?! Cabsi badan buu se hadh iyo habeen la daandaamayaa oo dubaaqiisa ku oogan! Kul ka dhigan girgire dhuxul galool lagu cammiray baa naftiisa ku shidan! Xitaa famlaydhadu way u xidhan yihiin oo guriga ba meel irbadi mari kartaa uma furna. Dhinac wal ba wuu iska soo ooday. Halkii daloosha ba wuu gufeeyey. Cuqdad yuururta iyo maryo dhiig leh buu meel wal ba aqalka kaga juqaalay. Dhulkii na wuu ku soo koobmay. Wuu garwaaqsan yahay inuu isagu cidhiidhiga iyo diiqaddan is geliyey. Waa se goorma xilliguu talada hojinayaa. Waa goor ay “xeedho iyo fandhaal kala dhaceen”! Weli se dabaqabashaa u bannaan. Wax badan baa caynaanadu hagaajin kartaa. Hase yeeshee dhiillada ugu halista badan ee uu la dheeldheelliyayaa waa in aan cidi ba “tuskaas jira” ee isaga shidaya si weyn ugu la baraarugsanayn! Dad badan oo ay sheeko wadaag yihiin oo uu arrinta la soo qaadqaaday, waxa uu ka helay dareen u dhigma halqabsiga “Iska hadlow Ina Igarre”!</div>
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Waxa uu isku ciilkaambiyaa is-raacii lixdankii inuu ahaa hindise uu isagu lahaa. Marar kale na waxa uu haaraamaa gobannimadii 26-kii Juun 1960 lafteeda. Wuu gubasho ooyaa inta badan. Waxa uu naftiisa ku qabooji yidhaa oo isku qanciyaa in gaadhidda xornimadaasi khalad weyn xilligaas ahayd oo loo baahnaa in gumaysigii Ingiriis uu carrada ka sii calanwalleeyo. Waayo loo ma bislayn dawladnimo iyo abuurista qaran casri ah midkood na, ayuu ku ciil belbelaa, hadda na waxa uu is waydiiyaa “oo haddaa ma iminkaa loo bisil yahay”!! Sawtan jilib kastaa xerada yar waageertay. Sawtan kala higgoonaysa ee jees kastaa ba dhacanta dheeraystay. Maxay tartay waayo-aragnimo? Maxay waxbarasho iyo shahaadad sare macnaysay?! Maxaa casriga iyo ilbaxnimo oo dhan laga dheefay?: Qabyaalad indho la’ oo waalli ah! Muusannow! Tolla’ayeey! Libin laga dhex raadiyo gawrac iyo geeri!! Xumaan lagu daydayo wanaag!! Musuq iyo walaahow, iyo naxli iyo nifaaq, iyo inta laga diqoodo oo dhan!</div>
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Intuu dubur hawd ka xulo</div>
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Intuu bahalaha dugsado</div>
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Ayaa qofku doonayaa</div>
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Dugaaggu inaanu cunin!</div>
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Beydadkaas ka midka ah maansadii Hadraawi ee “Daba-huwan” ayaa maankiisu ku dul hakanayaa, waxaanu ugu sii gudbayaa oo maskaxdiisa ku soo dhacaysa “Tolow muu hadda ba ninkii caddaa (gumaysigii Ingiriis) iska soo laabto oo dib noo qabsado duulkayagan nolosha bacad-joojinta iyo cubbudhka ku haya ee malaakadeedaya, madaxbannaani na aan u qalmin ee aan iyagu tashan karin in loo taliyo mooyaane! Hadda na waxa uu himbiriirsanayaa in casrigaasi carceeray, tegey oo tubta ku dhacay oo gumaysi Ingiriis ba dabar go’ay. Meel kale ayay gocashadu ula gurguuranaysaa, waxa nu ku fekerayaa “malaha waxaa ba la qaadan lahaa in Xamar lagu noqdaa”! “Oo ri’yo hadday dib leeyihiin saw dabadooda ku ma aanay qarsadeen iyo ninka aad kab ka tolanayso kabihiisaa la eegaa” ayuu is la markii ba is tusayaa. Saw kuwan iyaba (Soomaaliya) is cunaya ee sac sac raaca loo diiday ee labaatanka calal (maro) kala sita, tiiyoo qolo kastaa hadda na lulayso calankii xiddigta cad ee shan geesta ah lahaa ee cirka u ekaa. “Maya; maya horaa godkaas la iiga qaniinay oo ku hiradkiisu ma aha doorashadayda koowaad” ayuu naftiisa u bandhigayaa! Hase yeeshee waxa uu aaminsan yahay oo hadda ku ba kalsoon yahay in sidan uu hadda xaalku yahay aanu sina ba ahayn: Nolol candadawlan oo la jaanjaamayo, marka tallaabo hore loo qaada na laba tallaabo dib loo noqonayo. Dad raad arooryo uun dib u raacaya iyo dar aan goshii hooyo ka ba korayn, yaanay ka ba korin oo ha iska joogaane hadda na dulmi iyo daandaansi ku darsaday oo wada xiqdi, xaasid iyo xasarad miidhan ah.</div>
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Isagu waxa uu garaadsaday tiiyo loogu yeedho “Reer Waqooyi”, dadka qaar na u yaqaanniin “Qaldaan”. Waxa uu soo gaadhey oo u soo joogey iyada oo Reer Waqooyinnimadu wax weyn suuqa ka goyso: la isku soo dhaweeyo, la isku sooro, lagu dareen iyo shucuur wadaago, wax la isugu qabto, lagu walaalaysan yahay oo la isku xigsado, lagu ahaansho qofoobo oo lagu ab iyo isir sheegto iwm. Waxaa nu ka sheeko qaatay oo geed- iyo goob-jooge ka dhaxlay in Reer Waqooyinnimadu sooyaal fog ahayd oo ku sinnayd gumaysiga hortii iyo intii uu soo galay iyo ka dib ba. Reer Waqooyigu waxa uu ahaa buu maqli jirey Huwan Marag ah oo bari iyo galbeed ba is o goo dan- iyo caaqiibo-wadaag ah. Soomaali oo dhan bay ka koobnaayeen.</div>
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Min Lawyacaddo (Jabuuti duleedkeeda) ilaa Tukaraq (gooddiyada Garoowe), Jigjiga dusheeda ilaa iyo godannada Wardheer, xeebaha Saylac ilaa iyo Berbera, Maydh iyo Xiis, Waqadara ilaa iyo Laasqoray degmada is haysa miyi iyo magaalo ba, ayaa Reer Waqooyinnimadu hadhayn jirtey maalmihii ay noolayd. Waxa ay ahayd ahaansho dadnimo oo heerkii feker ee qabaliga ahaa ka kor maraysa oo heer gobol u tisqaadday: Dad leh degaan dhul oo ka dhexeeya, iyo hab feker, wada macaamil iyo adduun-arag aan is diiddooyin iyo qalo lahayn, is la markaa na aan ku salaysnayn isir dhalasho ama dhiig-ab-aroor ah oo hadda na af- iyo far-guri mideeya leh. Si kasta oo beeluhu qaab qabali ah feedh-dha isugu hayeen degaan ahaan, hadda na hannaanka feker ee casriga ahi waxa uu abuuray ahaanshahaas Reer Waqooyinnimo nuxur ahaan. Magaalo galeenkii ganacsiga, fanka iyo suugaanta, iyo jiilashii u horreeyey ee qalinka ku raad bartay ee macallimiinta, ardayda, shaqaalaha dawladda, iyo isirradii bilayska, ciidamada iwm. ayay aragtidaasi ka dhex tisqaadday.</div>
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Hanaqaadka aragtidaas ayay Samaale iyo Samatar oo saaxiibtinnimo fog oo cayddinnimo lahaa na ku raad-dhaqaajiyeen, ku na indho-dillaacsadeen berisamaadkeedii. Waa maalmahaas wacnaa kuwa ay maanta tebayaan markii ay ku dhex asqoobeen ee ay iska dhex waayey siyaasadda qabyaaladeed ee faraha lagaga gubtay ee tolaysiga indhaha la’ ku salaysan ee xafiis dawladeed iyo geed bulsheed ba busaaradda iyo indho-beelka ku keentay.</div>
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Iliilaha Jabuutaan lahaa eedyar sii mariye</div>
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Addis Ababa gee baan lahaa adhaxda jiilaale</div>
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ENEFDII ha daaqdaan lahaa ayda doogga lehe</div>
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Imminka na ardaa gocondhalay awr la mirataaye!</div>
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Gabaygaas Qaasim (AHUN) buu Samaale soo gocday. Cabbaar buu feker la aamusnaa. Indhihiisa ayaa qolkii yaraa ee uu dhex galluubnaa ka dhex mudh baxaya oo cirka ku fogaanaya, maankiisu na waxa uu ka gudbayaa garka webi Ganaane iyo gabbalaha dusheenna ah. Sara-joog uu muddo maahsanaa ayuu ku jirey. Isaga oo dhidid jidhkiisa kor iyo kal la foolqaadsan yahay, ayuu salka dhulka dhigayaa caw yar oo sariirtiisa ag goglanayd. “Ma ihi Alle doori ee waxaan ahay Reer Waqooyi” ayuu mar qudha sidii cirsan-ka-yeedhka la sara kacay oo af labadii ku qayliyey, isaga oo aad mooddo qof dheelalaabo la kacay, dhinaca kale na u muuqda in culays saarnaa laga fudaydiyey. Saaxiibkii Samatar oo qolka la wadaagayey, sardho na ku jirey, ayaa qaylada saaxiibkii ku kacay oo su’aalay waxa Samaale ku dhacay?</div>
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Samaale oo Samatar la hadlaya: “saaxiib intii aad hurdada ku qasaysay ba aniga “geelaygii baa cirkaas lagu maalayey! Aniga iyo naftaydaa loollan ka dhex aloosnaa. Waxa aan ka ledi waayey murankeennii maalmahan ba dhexdeenna ka oognaa iyo runta inagu wada mudduciga ah ee aynu iska dhegamarayno”. Samatar oo dhegaha saaxiibkii u raaricinaya oo warka ka guraya, ayaa odhanaya “oo Samaalow ma ku qanacday in sidan aynu nahay aanay si is bixin karta ahayn?!”</div>
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Samaale oo neef kululi ka soo booddey: “runtii saaxiib Samatarow ‘geeridu mar bay nolosha dhaantaaye’ sidani si ba ma aha. Wallaahay bacad-joojintan iyo gacan-ku-rimintan candadawlan wax kastaa ba way dhaami karaan. Xitaa haddii gacantii gumaysiga dib loogu dhacayo ama Xamar ba la isu dhiibayo, sidii lixdankii, si indho la’aan ah”! Samatar oo ilko caddaynaya: “Alle saaxiib ‘shaw hooyaday iga ma ilbaxdo’.Waa hubsiino la’aantii. .. intiinnii yarayd dee! Waa degdeggii iyo fudaydkii berigii… waxan aad Samaalow haddeerto ku hindisoonaysaa…….. Qosol gariir gawsuhu muuqdaan!!”</div>
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<b>Sheeko dheer baa Samatar iyo Samaale</b> halkaas uga bilaabmaysa. Waxa ay hoos u faaqidayaan xaaladda lagu jiro gaar ahaan Somaliland iyo guud ahaan ba gobolka intiisa kale iyo saamaynta caalamka kale ku yeeshay ama hadda ba ku leeyahay iyo waxa ilmo-rogashooyin ka socda ama ifafaaleyaal ka soo naaso-cad ee qasabadda ku soo jira.</div>
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Samatar iyo Samaale waxa ay wada oddorosayaan saadaasha gurracnaan karta ee waayuhu soo gelbinayaan haddii aan hadda laga tabaabulshaysan oo aan la keenin aragti iyo hal-abuur kale oo dhaama kan u muuqda faashilka iyo hungada qaawan ee “goraygu ka sii hadaafayo”: Qaran qabyaaladi tiir-dhexaad u tahay! Qaran reernimadu ka mudan tahay waddannimada! Qaran aanu dabar ba jirin; sharci iyo qaanuun la raaco oo dadka kala dabbaalaa ba ka dhaqan geli karin! Qof kastaa ba wuxuu doono samayn karo. Koox iyo kudlad kastaa ba sidii ay doonto u dhaqmi karto. Caddaaladda iyo garsoorku yihiin isirro halqabsiyeed oo hoosta ka madhan! Dibida iyo waylaha dameeruhu dhali karaan iwm!!</div>
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“Xaggee looga guuri karaa kayntaas dugaaggu jalabutaystay?” ayay is waydiinayaan. Hore ba loo yidhi “guushu ma dhimato, guuldarradu na ma dhammaato”! “Qaran aanay dirsoocnimadu u doorranayn!” ayaa u muuqanaya. “Somaliland ba waa la qaramayn karaa saw ma aha? Dharkii qarannimadaa loo gelin karaa oo nuxur ahaan lagu arrad tiri karaa saw ma aha?” ayay isa su’aalayaan. “Magacyo la bixiyo, waxa ku gudo jiraa; nuxur ahaan; ka hagaagsan”! “Ma la baxnaa Jamhuuriyadda Soomaalida Reer Waqooyi”! Miyaynaan xididka geedka qarannimadaas lagu waraabin karin dheecaanka Reer Waqooyinnimadii inaga fool hallawday, markii ay dhalatay na inaga shaashowdey ee weli bukaan-socodka ah. Iyada (Reer Waqooyinnimadaas) miyaynaan dawo u raadin karin oo la dabiibi karin?</div>
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Waxa ay labadu ba (Samaale iyo Samatar) isugu nacamlaynayaan oo gorodda u ruxayaan in Reer Waqooyinnimada boodhka laga tumi karo, oo dalluuntii dheerayd lagu daboolay laga soo saari karo. Soomaalinnimadii aynu dhididka iyo dheecaankeenna u hurray, waxa burburiyey dulmi iyo caddaalad darro, kelitalisnnimo iyo qabyaalad. Qaran loo sinnaan lahaa oo la wada lahaa oo la kala xigsado, la kala sheegto oo la isugu tar-sheegto, la isugu awood iyo muruq sheegto oo la isku maquuniyo, shaadhkiisa na la isku xasuuqo ayaa la wada eeday. Taasi Soomaalinnimo oo keliya inaga ma ay dilin ee waxa kale oo ay inaga sumaysay Reer Waqooyinnimadeennii, markii aynu kala safannay ee dulmiga kala raacnay, markii aynu isu hiilin waynay ee aynu isku wiirsannay ee kala hadafnay iyo markii iyo markii….!</div>
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Maxsuulkii ama natiijadii aynu ka hellay ee burburkii Soomaalinnimada inooga soo baxay na (Somaliland), waa innagaas iska wada dhex arki waynay ee sidii tulud geel ah sheegashadeeda kala dhowaysanayna ee aynu guuldarrooyinka iyo halista ka soo jiijii leh sidii fiinta ka sii qaylo-dhaaminayno. Waa run ay labadoodu ba is la garwaaqsadeen in wixii Soomaalinnimada burburiyey aan Reer Waqooyinnimada na lagu soo bakhti afuufi karin. Gunaanadkii, Samaale iyo Samatar, waxa ay guddoon gacanta is qaadayaan, xal na u arkayaan:</div>
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1.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In la soo nooleeyo oo dib loo xaqiijiyo, wax kale horta ha joogto’e, ahaanshihii Reer Waqooyinnimo, laga taariikheeyo oo dib loo daraaseeyo jiritaankeeda iyo isirrada naafeeyey iyo sida looga soo kaban karo iyo</div>
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2.<span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>In la yagleelo Jamhuuriyadda Soomaalida Reer Waqooyi oo leh dabar (xeer) iyo hoggaan (maamul) sida muraayadda la isaga wada dhex arki karo, ayna ku dhex goglan tahay dermo lagu wada fadhiisan karo si loo gudboon yahay oo aanay cidi na ku shaashoobi karin.</div>
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Taasi waa inoo ballan; ayay isku jalbeebiyeen oo yidhaahdeen; haddii aynu gooni isu taagayno sida Djabuuti iyo haddii aynu Soomaali is la doonanayno oo himiladii 1960-kii iyana soo noolaynayno oo Shantii Soomaaliyeed isu keenkooda, aynu mar kale, dawanka iyo durbaanka u tumi doonno, iyaga hoosta ka xarriiqaya in ay aragtidan la wadaagaan asxaabtooda kale, ka dib na dadka ka dhex bislayn doonaan: Sahanka iyo hiraalka aragtidoodu waa soo noolaynta nuxurkii “Reer Waqooyinnimo” iyo binaynta ehelnimadiisa xilligan cilladda iyo caabuqu dad ba wada diloodeen, lana wada bas-beelay ee la surbacaaday. Taas baa wax lagu wada noqon karaa, ayay bilkeedeen, haddii la is ururiyo oo xerada la yaraysto iyo haddii la is ballaadhiyo, haddii gaar wax loo yeelanayo iyo haddii cid kale (Xamar) wax la la wadaagayo labada jeer ba.</div>
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Waxa aan is lahaa “ Alle doori seedi ba uma dhanaana ee dunida shaw dad baa weli ku noolaa; rag iyo haween ba ka kooban! Waxa aan anna ka mid noqonayaa inta aragtidaasi maankooda biyo dhigtay, u guuxdey ee Samaale iyo Samatar ku raacday ee soo dhowaynaysa. Waa inoo 26-ka Juun. Saw maalin aynu isku wada raaci karno oo inaga dhaxaysa ma aha?! Haa, waa maguurto aynu waadhka bukaan-socodka ku illownay, aan se tasoobi karin oo haddii aynu negaanno iyo haddii hayaanno ba ina la guurguuri doonta. Intaas uun baan hordhac ahaan hadda Samaale iyo Samatar u sii fari haadda.</div>
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Ninka diiddan taasow</div>
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Weligaa ba doondoon</div>
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Derejada carbuunta ah!</div>
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Qalinkii Maxamed Baashe X. Xasan</div>
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mohamedbashe@hotmail.com</div>
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-19002408125985686632017-02-09T10:31:00.000-08:002017-10-28T00:03:46.099-07:00Labada cadow ee Dumuqraadiyada Aduunka Dad-isdaad raaciyayaasha (Populists) iyo Kali-Taliyayaasha (Autocrats) By:Arch Puddinton and Tyler Roylance (freedom in the world 2017) Tarjumistii:Barkhad Omar <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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2016,Guulo waawayn oo aan hore loo arag ayay ka gadheen xoogaga Dad- isdaadraaciyaasha iyo kali taliyayaashu,waxay kalitalisyadu ay la yuurursadeen ficilo aftaagnimo iyo dilal aargoosi keeni kara, arimahani waxay goobaha dagaalka guud ahaan labada qaradood ku noqdeen laf dhuun gashay.
Dhamaan arimahan oo isa soo taraya waxay tilmamayaan khatar soo foodsaartay, amaankii Aduunka ee rubuc qarnigii ina dhaafay dhidibada loogu taagay mabadiida saraynta sharciga,illaalinta xuquuqda adamaha iyo dumuqraadiyada-taas oo sababi doonta duni hogaamiyasheeda iyo dawaladuhuba iyadoo wax ku dirqinayaa jirin noqdaan kuwo danahooda yaryar ee gaarka ah uun raacda,iyagoon u aabo yeleyn danta guud ee wada midaysa ee amaanka dunida , xoriyada iyo barwaaqosoorankaba.
Gun gaadhada dhawaan soo baxay ee u sameeyey barnaamijkan "<i>Freedom in the World</i>" waxay ka marag fureen dhiloyinkii buuxiyey hordhacyada warbaahinada dhamaan sanadkan.marka la barbar dhigo 36 korodh la diwaangaliyey,2016,isku geyn 67 dal ayaa hoos u dhac cad ku yimid dhinaca xoriyada siyaasiga ah iyo madaxbanaanidooda xaga madaniga ahba.Tani waxay hoosta ka xariiqday sanadkii 11naad oo sanado isku xig ah, in hoos u dhacu ka batay korodhka.
Sanadihii hore hoos u dhaca xoriyaadku wuxuu ku koobnaa gudaha dalalka ay haystaan kalitaliyayaasha kaas oo si fudud isku rogi jiray xaalado aad u adag,2016 dhamaan dalalka dib u dhacu ku yimid ee buuxiyey liisaska warbixinaha ee habka kala saraynta loogu astayey waxay ahayeen dalal dumuqraadi ah.
Sidda xaqiiqada ah,wadamada xorta ah ayaa qayb wayn ka noqday hoos u dhacan,afar meloodow meel ayay noqdeen wadamada Yurub e galay diwaankan hoos u dhaca 2016.
Dhamaadkii sanadka, ka dib dhacdooyin amaan daro ah, dawladahii dumuqraadiga ahaa ee waawaynaa waxa qabsaday anfariir iyo go’aan la’aan sida Maraykanka, mustaqbalkiisi hogaamineed waxa shaki galiyey guushii uu Donald Trump uu madaxwaynanimada ka gaadhay. kaas oo ah shakhsi aan la sadaalin karin watana fikrado aan caadi ahayn, xaga arimaha dibada iyo arimaha kaleba sido kale bixidii uu Ingiriisku ka baxay midowga Yurub iyo dhicistii dawladii Talyaniga ka dib markii uu ku guul daraystatay aftidii dastuurka lagu badalaayey iyo waliba isku dayo isdaba socda oo dawladu Poland kaga hortagayso dumuqraadiyada.guulaha xisbiyada neceb ajaanibku gadheen si la mida waxay shaki wayn galisay awooda gashaanbuurtii qaabaysay dumuqraadiyada aduunka.
Isla wakhtigan,Ruushka waxa uu si mug leh u muujiyey kibir iyo cadaawad,wuxuu faro galiyey hababkii isdoorasho ee dumuqraadiga ahaa ee Maraykanka iyo dawlado kale oo dumuqraadi ah,wuxuu saanado milatari ku tageerey kali taliye Asad ee Syria iyo isagoo sidoo kale dhidibada u sii aastay qabsashadi aan sharciga ahayn ee dhulka Yukrayn.China,waxuu jabiyey sharcigii calamiga ahaa,waxaanu dhagaha ka furaysatay xukunkii Maxkamada ee ka dhanka ahaa sheegashadiisii siyaadada Bada koonfurta ee China iyo cabudhinta mucaaridka dalkiisa. hogaamiyaasha aan daacad ahayn ee Koonfurta Sudaan iyo Itoobiya ilaa Taylaan iyo Philibiin waxay galeen gobood falo xuquuqda aadamaha ah oo kala duwan iyagoo shaadhkii dawladnimo gashan.
Horumaradii horaantii sanadkii u danbeeyey imika suurto galmaaha inaad si kalsooni ah uuga hadasho mustaqbalka fog ee awooda EU da;iyo sharcinimada dumuqraadiyada iyo Siyaasad arimaha dibada Maraykan sida ay mudnaanta uugu tahay xuquuqda adamahu;dhabar adayga ay haayadaha dumuqraadiga ah ee badhtamaha Yurub,Barasiil,ama koonfur Afrika;ama xataa in la rajeeyo cambaraynta dawladaha dumuqraadiga ah iyo xubnaha xuquuqda adamaha ee UNta u jeediyaan, ficilada sidda weerar lagu qaado laangaabka ama dadka tiro yar Myanmar Rohingya ama weerarada aan loo laka aabo yeelin ee Yaman meeshaba ma taal oo waxay u eegtay in bari taa laga yahay.<br />
By:Arch Puddinton and Tyler Roylance (freedom in the world 2017)
Tarjumistii:Barkhad Omar
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-46270314326415426342016-06-25T12:40:00.001-07:002016-06-25T12:40:52.026-07:00Crimes Against Humanity - the fifth estate<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="270" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/eybU4tCestk" width="480"></iframe>Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-46546276259503599642016-06-14T12:46:00.000-07:002017-08-14T10:41:42.236-07:00Waaxda Fulintu ma ka codsan karta waaxda Garsoorka arin fulin u baahan?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Waxay su'aashani ka soo baxday markii dhawaan aan aragnay warqad warbaahinta gashay oo ku socota Maxkamadda Sare.Warqadan oo Wasaarad, Wasaaraddaha ka midi ka codsanayso Maxkamadda sare inay laasho Liisan.jawaabta ay ka bixisay Maxkamada Sarena ay soo baxday dhawaan,nuxurka ay xambaarsanaydna guud ahaan uu ahaa mid farayaa Wasaaradda in liisanku sii shaqaynaayo.
Si hadabaa aan su’aashan uuga jawaabno waxaan si kooban u eegi donaa Dastuurka iyo Xeerarka kale ee awoodsiiya Sadexda waxood.
Qodobka 37 aad, ee dastuurku waxa u dhigayaa in dhismaha Qaranku ka kooaban yahay Sadex waxood oo kala ah Xeer Dejinta,Garoosrka iyo Fulinta.waxaanu dhigayaa siddoo kale in waax walba u madax banaantay awoodeeda dastuurku u gaar yeelay.taas oo macnaheedu yahay waax walba awoodo u gaara oo ay ku qabato shaqadeeda ayay leeday.
Sidoo kale qoboka 80aad waxa uu leeyey Qaranku wuxuu yeelanayaa Waaxda Fulinta oo ka gaara kana madax banaan Waaxyaha Xeer dajinta iyo Garsoorka.
Hadana qodobada 53aad,54aad, iyo 55aad, ee isla dastuurku waxay uu dhigayaan awoodaha iyo wajibaadyadda Golaha wakiiladda.Qod 53aad,Farqada kowaad waxay sheegeysaa inay waajib tahay in ogolaansho golaha wakiiladda ka helaan dhamaan cidkasta oo lo magacaabo Wasiir,Wasiir ku xigeen iyo dhamaan madaxda hayadaha Dawlada iyo farqadaha kale oo Iyana wajibaadyo kale sheegaya oo ay Waaxdan Sharci dajintu ku leeday Waaxda Fulinta.qodobkan oo shegaaya doorka u golaha wakiiladu ku leeyey Waaxda fulinta meeshana ka saraaya in Waaxda fulinta cida ay doonto magacaabi karto iyadoon ogolaansho ka helin Waaxda Sharci dajinta. inkastoo halkaynu u soconaa aanay halkan ahayn si aynu uuga jawaabno suaasheena,hadaan aan is waafajino labadan midna uu siinaayo madax banaani buuxda,aan nidhaahno way is macnaynayaan Qodobadani waxaana nidaamka samaynayaan yahay waxaan loo yaqaan (Separation of power and Checks and Balances).
Hadaba Golaha Sharci dajintu wajibaadkiisaasi dastuuriga ah ma u gudbin kara Waax kale? sidda Maxkamadda sare oo inta uu warqad uu u qoro ma ka dalban karaa inay Tusaale ahaan,ogoladaan ama diidaan wasirada cusub ama madaxda kale ee qarankaba amaba Heshiisyada caalamiga ah ee dawladu gashaba.Jawaabta oo koban waa maya,wajibaadka dastuuriga ah amaba Xeer kugu wajibiyey (Statutory discretion) ee asalka u ah shaqadaada looma wareejin karo cid kale.
Liisanada dawladu bixiso ogolaanshahooda iyo diidistoodaba Xeerar aya jideeya,shuruudo ayaa lagu siyaa,shuruudana waa lagaga qadaa.Tusaale ahaan sidda u dhigaayo Xeerka Qareenada JSL,Bixinta liisanka Qareenimo waxa loo eegaya inuu qofku buuxiyey shurudihii,Hadii laga qadaayo siddo kale waxa u dhigayaa shurudihii lagaga qadaayay marka intaasi soo buxsamaana saxeexa u danbeeya Wasiirka Wasaaradda Cadaalada ayaa yeelanaya.Taas macnaheedu waxa weeyi siinta iyo ka qaadistaba waxay dhamaytirmayaan marka shurudaasi ka horaysa la helo waxaana loo yaqanaa (Preconditional Fact).Hadii se cidi (Minister) talaabo ka qadiseed ay samayso iyadoon u buuxin shuruudi ka horeysay wa khalad waxaana loo yaqaan (Jurisdictional Error),waxaana laga furan karaa dacwad ama laga dalban kara magdhaw maxkamadda awooda u leh.Lakiin ma dhacdo in Wasaaradi warqad codsi ah u qorto maxkamadda iyadoo gudanaysa arin fulineed oo Xeer qeexaayo.haddii ay dhacdana waxay noqonaysa inay awodeedi fulineed cid kale u gudbinayso (abdication statutory discretion).
Maxkamada Sare shaqadeeda iyo awoodaheeda waxa u asteeya Dastuurka iyo Xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka,qodobka 10aad,<br />
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farqadiisa kobaad waxay uu u qoran yahay sidan:-
Maxkamadda Sare waxay hubisaa in Qoddobada sharciga sidooda loo dabaqey ama loo
fuliyey ama loo fasirey iyo in ay qabato Hawl kasta oo uu u xil saarey Dastuurku ama
sharciyada kale ee ka soo baxa waaxda Xeer-dejinta.
Wax wal oo ka soo baxaana waxa lo egaya uun qodbadan,haddii wax lid ku ah qodbadana ka soo baxaan maaha qaar sharci ah (ultra-Virus).
Guntii iyo gaba gabadii si loo helo bulsho sharcigu sareeyo afcaasha iyo go’aanada ka soo baxayaana ay u noqdaan qaar sharci ah yeelan karana fulin xalaala waxaa aad u muhiima in la isla fahmo waax walba hawsheeda.
Wabilaahi Tawfiiq
By:Barkhad Omar Ali
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-46677299127140337782016-05-23T07:14:00.000-07:002016-05-23T07:14:20.142-07:00DASTUURKA JAMHUURIYADDA SOOMAALILAND: 20 Arrimood oo aan La Fulin ama si Khaldan loogu Dhaqmay.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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Waxa run ah in qodobbo Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland kamid ah ee aan weli la fulin (hirgelin) ama si khaldan loo adeegsaday ay aad u faro badan yihiin oo aanay ku koobnayn tiradan aan sheegay, sababtoo ah waxaan iskaga tegay qaarkood aan is idhi waaba lagu murmi karaa oo dood ayaa laga keeni karaa. Haseyeeshee, 20-kan arrimood ee aan qoraalkan ku soo qaadayaa, waa kuwo cad oo daliilkooda wata. Arrimahaas oo kala ah sidatan:
1. Reebbanaanta kala-sarraynta iyo takoorka ku saleysan issirka, abtirsiga, dhalashada iyo deegaanka - Qodobka 8aad, faqraddiisa 2aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “Kala sarraynta iyo takoorka ku salaysan issirka, abtirsiga, dhalashada iyo deegaanku waa reebban yihiin, isla markaana barnaamijyada lagu cidhib tirayo dhaqamada xunxun ee soo jireenka ah waa waajib Qaran.” Haseyeeshee, waxaa innoo dhaqan ah oo aynu markasta ku hadaaqnaa ereyga “beelaha la hayb-sooco ama laga tirada badan yahay,” takoorka iyo quudhsiga dadkaas walaalaheen ahna ma aha mid qarsoon ee waa mid aynu wada ogsoonahay – bulshadeenu na ay ku dhaqanto. Madaxweynahu ba wuxuu lahaa La Taliye gaar ah oo kala taliya arrimaha beelaha la hayb-sooco oo uu wareegto Madaxweyne ku magacaabay. Wixii uu dastuurku reebay adeegsigoodu waa inuu reebbanaadaa. Xitaa haddii wax laga qaban waayey arrintan, keliya in magacan adeegsigiisu uu reebbaanaado ayey ahayd.
2. Reebbanaanta in xisbi lagu dhiso gobollaysi iyo qabyaalad - Qodobka 9aad, faqraddiisa 3aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “… Waxaa reebban in xisbi lagu dhiso gobollaysi iyo qabyaalad.” Waynu ka wada dheregsanahay qaabka ay xisbiyadeenu u dhisan yihiin iyo sida ay u adeegsadaan qabyaaladda ba. Ergooyinkii Shirweynaha Xisbiga Kulmiye ee sannadkii 2015 waxay ahaayeen ergooyin ay beelahu soo dirteen. Liiskii xubnaha Golaha Dhexe ee Xisbiga Kulmiye oo ay ku dhawaaqeen Shirguddoonkii Shirweynaha Xisbiga Kulmiye 22-kii May, 2015-ku wuxuu isna ku saleysnaa saamiyada ay beelahu ka kala heleen xubnaha Golaha Dhexe. Dhammaan Guddoomiyeyaasha iyo Murashaxiinta saddexda xisbi qaran ba si badheedh ah ayey beelaha ula shiraan, una caddeeyaan beelaha xulufada ku ah xisbi kasta.
3. Waajibaadka Dawladda ka saaran helitaanka daaweyn lacag la’aan ah - Qodobka 17aad, faqraddiisa 1aad waxay dhigaysaa: “Dawladd[a] … waxaa waajib ka saaran yahay … helitaanka daaweyn lacag la’aan ah iyo daryeelka fayo-dhawrka guud.” Xaqiiqadu se taas aad bay uga fog tahay oo dhakhtarada dawladda adeega caafimaad ee lagu bixiyaa maaha mid bilaash ah oo daawada waa la iibsadaa. Dastuurka dalku maanta wuxuu jiraa 15 sanno, muddadaas dheer ilaa hadda weli dawladdu may gudan waajibaadkaas.
4. Ku talogal ka yeelashada aafooyinka dabiiciga ah - Qodobka 18aad, faqraddiisa 2aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “Aafooyinka dhaca sida abaaraha, duufaanada, cudurrada faafa, dhul-gariirka iyo dagaalada waxay dawladdu ka yeelanaysaa ku talogal.” Sannadkan ugu dambeeyey, abaarahii dalka ka dhacay ayaa tusaale innoogu filan ku talogal la’aanta dawladda ee aafooyinka dabiiciga ah. Markii ay abaarahii dhaceen ayuu Madaxweynahu guddi magacaabay, ilaa iyo haddana waxaa socoto ururrinta taakuleynta dadka ay abaarahu sida ba’an u sameeyeen.
5. Sharcinimada xorriyad ka qaadista muwaadinka - Qodobka 25aad, faqraddiisa 1aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “Qofna xorriyadiisa loogama qaadi karo qaab aan sharciga waafaqsanayn.” Sharcigu wuxuu dhigayaa in keliya qofka la xidhi karo iyadoon amar maxkamaddeed la sidan marka uu faraha dembiga kula jiro. Haseyeeshee, marka aanu dembiga faraha kula jirin, waxaa keliya lagu xidhi karaa amar maxkamadeed. Caadi ahaana, aad bay u kooban yihiin dacwaddaha qofka lagu qabto isagoo falka gelitaankiisa faraha kula jira. Haddana, inta ugu badan dacwaddaha ciqaabta ah ee ay boolisku maxkamaddaha horkeenaan waa dad la soo qabtay iyagoon fal-dembiyeed faraha kula jirin, amar maxkamaddeed na aanay boolisku u qaadan.
6. Xurmaynta hoyga – Qodobka 29aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland wuxuu dhigayaa: “Hoyga iyo meelaha kale ee la deggan yahay waxay leeyihiin xurmayntooda; mana bannaana basaasiddooda, baadhidooda iyo geliddooda, haddaanu jirin amar garsoore oo sababaysan. Waxa waajib ah in si toos ah loogu akhriyo amarka garsooraha mulkiilaha ama degganaha hoyga inta aan la gelin. Baadhaha waxa ka reebban ku xad-gudubka amarka garsooraha.” Ku xadgudubka qodobkan daliilkiisu dhagaheena wuu ka buuxaa – Ciidamada sida gaarka ah u tabobaran ee RRU-da la yidhaa oo guryo u dhacay oo xitaa ay dhacday in guri hooy ah oo ay carruuri joogto laysku dhex rasaaseeyey xili habeennimo ah oo aanay xitaa bannaanayn in amarka maxkamadda la fuliyo. Maaha dhacdo qudha oo waa dhacdooyin la caadeystay oo ilaa hadda socda. Mana jiro qodob kale oo dastuuri ah oo arrintaas banneeyey.
7. Muddo-xileedka Golaha Wakiillada – sida ay dhigayso Qodobka 42aad, faqraddiisa 1aad “Muddo-xileedka Golaha Wakiilladu waa 5 (shan) sanno oo ka bilaabmaysa maalinta Maxkamadda Sarre ay ku dhawaaqdo go’aanka kama dambeysta ah ee doorashada [Golaha Wakiillada].” Marka laga yimaado xubnahii ugu horeeyey ee Golaha Wakiillada oo lagu soo xulay nidaam beeleed, muddadan 15 sanno ah ee uu dastuurku dhaqan-galka ahaa, hal doorasho oo Golaha Wakiiladda ah ayaa Soomaaliland ka qabsoontay. Xubnahii la doortay 2005-tii ayaa ilaa hadda kuraasida ku fadhiya. Inkastoo cudur-daarku yahay muddo-kordhin loo sameeyey, xaqiiqadu waxay tahay mar haddii ay laba muddo-xileed iyo dheeraad marayaan in aanay muddo-kordhintu cudur-daar noqonayn.
8. Awoodda Golaha Wakiillada ee ka dooddista iyo ansaxinta barnaamijka xukumadda – awooddaha golaha wakiillada ee ku cad Qodobka 53aad ee Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland, waxaa kamid ah in “Golaha Wakiilladu uu awood u leeyahay ka dooddista, celinta oo sababaysan iyo ansaxinta Barnaamijka Xukumadda” Annigu shakhsi ahaan, ma maqal, mana arag golaha wakiillada oo awooddaas ku dhaqmaya. Weliba sidaas ayaan isku haystaa in aan xogogaal u ahay dhaqdhaqaaqa Golaha Wakiillada.
9. U soo bandhigida Golaha Wakiillada xisaab-xidhka sannad-maaliyaddeedka sannadka dhammaaday – Sida ku cad Qodobka 55aad, faqraddiisa 6aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland “Waa waajib u soo bandhigidda Golaha Wakiillada xisaab-xidhka sannad-maaliyadeedkii dhammaaday muddo aan ka badnayn lix bilood oo ka bilaabanta taariikhda dhammaadka sannad-maaliyadeedka, iyada oo Golaha Wakiilladu ka doodayo, go'aanna ka soo saarayaan.” Xukumaddan iyo tii hore midkoodna waajibaadkaas may gudan, golaha wakiilladuna awooddaas ma adeegsan. Xisaab-xidhkii 6dii sanno ee 2008-dii ilaa 2013-kii, waxay golaha wakiilladu wax ay ansaxin ku sheegeen isku dhaafiyeen 09-01-2015-kii. Hadda, xikmadda qodobka ku jirtaa ba waxay tahay in xisaab-xidhka sannadka tegay uu golahu go’aan ka gaadho inta aanu ansaxin odoroska miisaaniyadda sannadka dambe. Iyaguna waa kuwaas 6-da sanno xisaab-xidhkooda mar wada ansaxinaya. Midda kale ee muhiimka ah ayaa ah Qodobku ma odhan ansaxin e wuxuu yidhi go’aan ka soo saaraya. Waa laba arrimood oo kala duwan sharci ahaan.
10. Doorashada Xubnaha Golaha Guurtida iyo Muddo-xileedka – Dastuurku wuxuu dhigayaa in xubnaha golaha guurtida la dooranayo, qaabka loo dooranaya na uu xeer nidaaminayo iyo in muddo-xiloodkoodu yahay 6 (lix) sanno sida ku cad Qodobka 58aad. Arrinta cajiibka ah ayaa ah in 15-kaa sanno aan ilaa hadda la curin Xeerka Doorashada Xubnaha Golaha Guurtida. Sannadkii 2006-dii ayaa mar la isku dayey, isna hal Qodob oo ah Qodobkii 19aad ayaa laga ansaxiyey. Qodobkaas iyadoo la adeegsanayo ilaa maanta dalka kama qabsoomin doorasho lagu dooranayo gole guurti, oo muddo-kordhin ayey ilaa wakhtigaas ku fadhiyaan.
11. Shuruuddaha musharaxa Madaxweyne iyo Madaxweyne-ku-xigeen – shuruudda ugu horeysa uguna muhiimsan ee ay tahay inuu buuxiyo qofka Madaxweyne ama ku-xigeen Madaxweyne loo dooranayaa waa: “In uu yahay muwaadin u dhashay Soomaaliland, oo aan muwaadinimo dal kale haysan, balse wuu noqon karaa qaxoonti dal kale deggan” sida ku cad Qodobka 82aad, faqraddiisa 1aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland. Murashaxiintii doorashadii madaxtooyada ee 2010 iyo kuwan hadda u loolamaya jagooyinkan ba way ku jiraan rag la og yahay in haystaan muwaadinimada dal kale. Haseyeeshee, weligeed maynaan maqal meel lagu su’aallay, lagaga hadlay ama ay ku caddeeyeen inay ka tanaasuleen. Xitaa Madaxweynaheena ayaaba lagu xantaa inuu haysto muwaadinimada dalka Britian – ma se hubo annigu. Muhiimadu se waxay tahay in shuruuddaas ku dhaqankeedu aanu inoo muuqan.
12. Daryeelka Garsoorka – Qaranku waa saddex waxood; sharci-dejinta oo ah xubnaha golayaasha baarlamaanka, fulinta oo ah Madaxweynaha, ku-xigeenkiisa iyo golahiisa wasiirrada iyo garsoorka oo ah garsoorayaasha maxkamaddaha iyo xeer-ilaaliyeyaasha. Saddexdu ba xuquuqo daryeel ayey qaranka ku leeyihiin. Inkastoo la ansaxiyey Xeerka Maamuuska Madaxweynaha, Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka iyo Mudanayaasha Baarlamanka (Xeer Lr. 62/2013), ilaa hadda ma jiro xeer khuseeya xuquuqda garsoorku. Qodobka 98aad, faqraddiisa 3aad waxay dhigaysaa: “Daryeelka ku haboon garsoorayaasha xeer baa nidaaminaya.” Bal intii hore kaba kaalayoo, 15-kaa sanno ee Dastuurka dhaqangelkiisa ka dambeeyey ilaa hadda lama curin xeerkaas. Waana waaxda ugu hawsha adag qaranka, oo intaas dembiilayaal iyo muran murgay maareyntii ayey ku hawlan yihiin oo Qaranka ayaabay u godobaysan yihiin.
13. Xeerka Maxkamadda Sarre oo isla markaana ah Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ah – dastuurka waa buug yar oo qoran, waxa ruux gelisa oo wax nool oo shaqeeya ka dhigta Maxkamadda Sarre ama Dastuuriga ah. Inta ay maxkamaddaasi qabyo tahay, caddaaladeenu waa qabyo ee ha la ogaado. Dhammaan waxyaabaha la ilduufay ee aynu ka hadlayno, tii looga caban lahaa oo muwaadiniinta xuquuqdooda ilaalin lahayd waa maxkamaddan. Awoodda iyo dhameystirnaanta Maxkamadda sarre ayuu hadba dastuurka waxtarkiisuna la socdaa. Ayaan-darrada inna haysata waxaa kamid ah in aanu ilaa hadda jirin xeerkii ay ku dhisnaan lahayd maxkamaddaas. Maanta cidda u dacwoon karta ee dacwad dastuuriya geyn karta, mawduuca laga dacwoon karo iyo waxyaabaha kale ee aasaasiga ah majiro xeerkii qeexayey. Qodobka 101aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland na wuxuu dhigayaa in uu xeer gaar ahi nidaaminaayo.
14. Wadashaqaynta Wasaaradda Caddaaladda iyo Hay’addaha Garsoorka – Wasaaraddii Cadaaladdu waa wasaaradda ku shaqada leh caddaaladda, imika arrimaha garsoorka ayaabay raacsataye. Guddida cadaaladuna waa hay’adda ugu sarreysa garsoorka. Marka laga yimaado in Qodobka 106aad, faqraddiisa 1aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland ay sheegayso: “Wasaaradda Cadaaladdu waxay u xilsaaran tahay fulinta go’aannada maamul ee ka soo baxa Guddida Cadaaladda.” Oo aanay waxba intaas ku darayn, wax kaleba ha joogee intaas qoran lafteeda ayaa laysku afgaran waayey. Sidaas darteed, faqradda 2aad ee qodobka waxaa lagu waajibiyey in “Xidhiidhka wadashaqayneed ee Wasaaradda Cadaaladda iyo Hay’addaha Garsoorka uu xeer qeexi doono.” Xeerkaasna ilaa hadda lama hayo oo waajibaadkaasna lama gudan.
15. Xubnaha Guddida Cadaaladda ka tirsan ee Golayaasha Baarlamaanku soo doortaan – Guddida Cadaaladda 10 xubnood ayey ka kooban tahay, waxaa ku jira 4 xubnood oo ay golayaasha baarlamaanku soo doortaan. Qodobka 107aad, Faqraddiisa 1aad waxay leedahay: “· Laba xubnood oo Golaha Wakiiladu labadi sannadoodba hal mar ka soo doorto dadweynaha kana kala tirsan aqoon yahanada & ganacsatada; iyo · Laba xubnood oo Golaha Guurtidu labadi sannadoodba ka soo doorto dadweynaha hal mar; kana kala tirsan dhaqan-yaqaanada iyo culimada Diinta.” Inkastoo qodobkan uu ka mid yahay meelaha uu Dastuurku dhaliisha ku leeyahay oo aanu caddeyn cida dooranaysa ma shirgudoonada mise dhammaan xubnaha golaha goleyaasha. Haddana, intan qoran lafteeda ayaad moodaa in si khaldan loogu dhaqmay, oo halka ay faqraddu ka tidhi hal mar la soo dooranayo ayaa dhawr jeer la soo doortaa xubnahan – macnaha xubnahan qaarkood loogu celiyaa. Qodob sidaas sheegayaana Dastuurka kuma jiro – waabu caddeeyey oo “hal mar” ayaa bu yidhi.
16. Wax-ka-badelka tirada gobollada iyo degmooyinka – Madaxweyne Rayaale wuxuu 23-kii March, 2008-dii magacaabay 6 gobol iyo 16 degmo. Madaxweyne Siilaanyo na wuxuu bishii 7aad 2014-kii magacaabay 1 gobol iyo afar degmo. Madaxweynaha tirada gobollada iyo degmooyinka wax ma ka badeli karaa? Dastuurka ayaa ka jawaabaya oo Qodobka 109aad, faqraddiisa 3aad waxay odhanaysaa “Wax-ka-beddelka tirada gobollada iyo degmooyinka ama xuduudahooda,iyada oo sababaysan waxa soo jeedinaya Golaha Xukuumadda, waxana oggolaanaya Golaha Wakiilada iyo Golaha Guurtida.” Maxaa kuu baxay? Haddii Madaxweynahu uu noqonayo golaha xukumada, soo jeedintuna la mid tahay magacaabis u ba diiddi mayno! Arrinta aan markasta is weydiiyaa se waxay tahay waar horta gobolladan iyo degmooyinkan 9-ka sanno shaqaynaya ee Guddoomiyeyaasha leh miisaaniyadoodu maanay golahan wakiillada ee aan la horkeenin soo marin? Mooji!
17. Goleyaasha Sharci-dejineed ee Gobollada – Qaab-dhismeedka sharci-dejineed ee dalku waa Goleyaasha Baarlamaanka oo heer qaran ah, Goleyaal sharci-dejineed ee gobollada iyo Goleyaal Degaan. Qodobka 111aad, faqraddiisa 1aad waxay dhigaysaa: “Gobollada iyo degmooyinka dalku waxay yeelanayaan Golayaal sharci-dejineed oo ku kooban xeer hoosaadyo (Bye-laws} aan ka hor imanayn xeerarka dalka u dejisan iyo kuwa fulineed.” Faqradda 2aad ee qodobkuna waxaabay dhigaysaa in isku xeer lagu nidaamin doono tirada iyo doorashada goleyaasha gobollada iyo degmooyinka. Haseyeeshee, Xeerka Ismaamulka Gobollada iyo Degmooyinku (Xeer Lr. 23/2003), si fiican ayuu u faahfaahiyey Goleyaasha Deegaanka balse qaab aan waafaqsanayn qodobkan dastuuriga ah ayuu u abuuray Goleyaal Gobol oo fulineed oo aan ahayn goleyaal sharci-dejineed. Qodobka 12aad, faqraddiisa 1aad, xarafkiisa (b) wuxuu abuurayaa goleyaal gobol oo fulineed. Qodobka 13aad na wuxuu xusayaa xilkooda oo ku kooban arrimo siyaasaddeed, dhaqaale, maamul, amni, nabadgeliyo iyo horumarineed, dib u eegida miisaaniyadda, go’aannada maamul iyo siyaasadeed ee degmooyinka gobolka, dhexdhexaadinta bulshada iyo dhismaha guddi-hosaadyada. Markaa meelna kagama jirto awood sharci-dejineed, sidaas darteed weli wuu kala dhiman yahay dhismaha qaranku oo waxaa meesha ka maqan goleyaasha sharci-dejineed ee gobollada oo uu dastuurku muujiyey. Lama na hadal hayo ilaa hadda hirgelintooda.
18. Muddo-xileeda Goleyaasha Gobollada iyo Degmooyinka – Qodobka 111aad, faqraddiisa 7aad Dastuurka Qaranka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “Muddada xilka goleyaasha gobollada iyo degmooyinku waa shan (5) sanno.” Ilaa hadda lama abuurin lama na dooran goleyaal gobol, haseyeeshee, Golayaashii ugu horeeyey ee deegaanka waxaa la doortay sannadkii 2002, waxaanay xilka hayeen muddo toban (10) sanno ah oo ah inay laba muddo-xileed qaateen. Goleyaashan deegaanka ee hadda xilka haya na waxaa la doortay sannadkii 2012-ka, hal sanno ayaa uga dhiman muddo-xileedkoodii, waxaanay u badan tahay in muddo-kordhin loo samayn doono sababtoo ah doorashada madaxtooyada iyo golaha wakiillada ayaa la qorsheeyey inay sannadkaas qabsoonto. Sannadka ku xigana Golaha Guurtida ayaa lagu wadaa in taariikhda markii ugu horeysay la doorto. Markaa ugu yaraan laba sanno oo muddo-kordhin ah way helayaan. Sidaas ayaan Qodobkan dastuuriga ah loogu dhaqmin, isla markaana aan ilaa hadda loo fulin.
19. Guddida Culimada – Qodobka 115aad ee Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland wuxuu abuurayaa Guddida Culimada oo ah guddi madax-bannaan oo u xilsaaran inay si rasmi ah caddayn uga bixiyaa khilaafaadka diiniga ah iyo arrimaha laysku qabto xalaal iyo xaaraan midka ay yihiin iyo sidoo kale inay sameeyaan cilmi-baadhis nooc kasta ah iyagoo dhanka diinta ka eegaya iwm. Intaa dastuurku uu dhaqan-galka ahaa marna guddidan abuurideeda layskuma hawlin intii hore, haseyeeshee, Madaxweynahu dhowaan ayuu ku dhaqmay Qodobka 119aad ee Dastuurka oo uu magacaabay xubnaha uu golaha xukumadu ku leeyahay guddida magacaabaysa guddida culimada. Haseyeeshee, waxaa weli qabyo ah xubnahii Golaha Guurtida uga mid noqon lahaa guddidan magacaabista. Sidaas darteed, ilaa hadda dhismaha Guddidan Culimada laguma guuleysan oo qodobbadan dastuuriga ah lama fulin. Run ahaantii na, waa guddi aad muhiim ugu ah arrimaha bulshada, cadaaladda iyo ku dhaqanka diinta ba.
20. Qodobbada Kala Guurka – Qodobka 130aad ee Dastuurku wuxuu dhigayaa arrimaha lagu dhaqmayo muddadii kala-guurka ee aanu dastuurku dhaqan-gal noqon. Waxaa se jira arrimo ilaa hadda lagu dhaqmo iyadoo 15 sanno laga joogo muddadii kala guurka ahayd. Waxaa arrimahaas kamid ah in ilaa hadda xubnaha Golaha Guurtida ee geeriyooda ay beeshii xubinta geeriyootay ama golaha ka baxday soo bedelato oo xubinta lagu bedelayo keensato. Arrintan waxay khilaafsan tahay Qodobkan faqraddiisa 3aad oo dhigaysa: “Haddii ay xubin ka mid ah Golaha Guurtida ama Golaha Wakiillada ay ku timaado xaalad ka mid ah xaaladaha ku tilmaaman qodobka 50aad waxaa soo buuxinaysa beeshii uu ka tirsanaa inta laga gaadhayo nidaamka axsaabta ee doorashada.” Faqraddan ku dhaqankeedu wuxuu ku eekaa muddadii kala-guurka ee aan la gaadhin nidaamka axsaabta doorashada. Axsaabtii doorashadu waxay hirgaleen sannadkii 2002-da, wakhtigaas kadib laguma dhaqmi karayn faqraddan, haddana ilaa hadda waa lagu dhaqmaa. Ma jiro wax ka badel lagu sameeyey dastuurku, mana jiro xeer dastuurka ka mudan oo loo daliishan karo arrintan. Iyadna waxay kamid tahay arrimaha ugu la yaabka badan ee loo baal-maray dastuurka dalka u yaal.
Madaxweyne Cigaal (AHUN) ayaa geeriyooday 3dii bishii Meey 2002-dii, isla maalintii ayaa xilkii Madaxweynenimo loo dhaariyey ku-xigeenkiisii Daahir Rayaale Kaahin oo xilkaas hayey ilaa 14kii Abriil 2003-da oo loo doortay xilkaas Madaxweynenimo. Wakhtigaas oo lagu jiray muddadii kala-guurka ahayd ee aanu hirgelin nidaamka axsaabta doorashada tooska ah, waxay ahayd in lagu dhaqmo Qodobkan 130aad, faqraddiisa 4aad oo dhigaysa: “Haddii ay ku timaado asbaabaha ku tilmaaman qodobka 86aad Madaxweynaha iyo Ku-xigeenka Madaxweynaha, ama midkood, inta laga gaadhayo nidaamka axsaabta ee doorashada tooska ah, labada Gole (Wakiillada iyo Guurtida} ayaa si wada jira muddo 45 maalmood gudahood ah ku dooranaya Madaxweyne iyo Madaxweyne-Ku-xigeen ama midkood, iyada oo xilka jagada bannaanaatay muddada doorashada ka horaysa uu hayn doono Guddoomiyaha Golaha Guurtidu.” Sida sharciga ah, waxay ahayd in xilka uu la wareego Guddoomiyaha Golaha Guurtidu, kadibna muddo 45 casho ah gudahood ay labada gole si wadajir ah u soo doortaan Madaxweyne, laakiin iyadoo la tixgelinayo duruufaha markaas lagu jiray waxaa la doorbiday in lagu dhaqmo Qodobka 89aad, faqraddiisa 2aad oo khusaysa xaaladdaha ka baxsan tan ay faqradda 4aad ee Qodobka 130aad khusayso. Xaqiiqo ahaana, aad bay u adkayd in lagu dhaqmaa sababtoo ah muu jirin habraac ay labada gole ku soo dooran karaan Madaxweyne iyo mid loo raaco murashaxnimadiisa iyo coddeynta ba. Sidoo kale qodobku muu xusin Madaxweynaha ay labada gole ku soo doortaan 45 casho gudahood muddo-xileedkiisu inuu yahay kan ku xusan Qodobka 88aad iyo inuu yahay muddo gaaban. Arrimahaas oo khalkhal siyaasaddeed keeni karayey ayaa sababay in Qodobkan ku dhaqankiisa laga talaabsado.
Qodobkan 130aad, faqraddiisa 5aad waxay dhigaysaa: “Dalka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland waxa lagaga dhaqamayaa xeerarkii hore loogaga dhaqmi jiray ee aan ka hor imanayn Shareecadda Islaamka, xuquuqda qofka iyo xorriyaadka asaasiga ah, inta laga soo saarayo xeerar waafaqsan Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland; isla markaa waa in la diyaariyaa xeerarka Dastuurka waafaqsan, waxaana lagu keenayaa xeer walba ugu yaraan muddada uu u xaddido Golaha Wakiiladu.” Muddadaas 15-ka sanno ah ee ka soo wareegtay aftidii dastuurka lagu ansaxshay ilaa hadda Golaha Wakiilladu weli muu xaddidin muddada lagu keenayo xeerar waafaqsan Dastuurka oo lagu badelo xeerarkan ay dawladdii Soomaaliya lahayd ee aynu ilaa maanta ku dhaqmayno. Waa qayb laxaadle oo qarannimadeena ka dhiman. Waxaynu nahay qaran ilaa hadda ku dhaqmaya shuruuc u dejisan qarankii uu madax-bannaanidiisa kala soo noqday. Waana qabyo u leeyahay nidaamkeena sharci ee dalku.
Wa Billaahi Tawfiiq.
Qalinkii: Cabdishakuur Cali Muxumed (Good Lawyer)
goodlawyer2014@gmail.com
Burco, Somaliland.Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-3719844976167865892015-12-04T05:01:00.000-08:002015-12-04T05:01:30.263-08:00“Adoo gurigi barwaaqo ah geel dhalay ku haysta" Prof. Maxamed Siciid Gees – Qeybtii 44aad<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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“Adoo gurigi barwaaqo ah geel dhalay ku haysta
Geedi lama lalabo oo abaar looma guuree
Anigaa isu geystoo galabsaday xumaantee
wixii ila garaadaw Gobanimo ha tuurina”
Ereyada Abwaan Saxardiid Maxamed Jabiye
1961 bishii Juun, ayaa Dastuurkii Somali Republic afti loo qaadayey, aftidaas oo ka dhacday labadii dal ee isku biiray 1960 ee kala ahaa Soomaaliya iyo Somaliland. Waqtigaas shicibka Somaliland waa ka diiday isku darsigii labada dal oo markaas sannad qudha jiray.
Qoladii reer Soomaaliya ayaa isku wada ridatay xilalkii dawladda, qaybintii dawacadda ayaa ka dhacday “Libaax wada qaado.” Dadweynihii waa ka soo booday arrintii, markii Hargeysa laga hayaamay, hantiilihii, aqoonyahankii, saraakiishii, dhalinyaradii wax baratay, rag iyo dumar ee xamar loo dareeray.
Waxa sharci ah lama kala saxeexan oo heshiis labada gole ama baarlamaan ay midba goonidii u ansixiyey ma jirin, sidaas darteed heshiis isku darsi ma jirin. Had iyo jeer Soomaalidu xagga sharciyadda waa ku liidataa waa waxay isu wada haysataa. Xeerka ayaa wax wada lahaanshaha iyo dawladnimadu ka unkataa. Waxa qudha ee markaas xalaalayn lahaa isku darsiga iyo midawga waxa uu ahaa dastuurka oo tilmaamaya isku darka haddii aftida labada qayboodba looga codeeyo oo laga aqbalo.
Laba sanduuq ayaa xaashida cod bixinta lagu kala ridayey mid madaw oo “maya dastuurka” ahaa , iyo mid cad oo “Haa dastuurka” ahaa, si loo niyad-jabiyo dadka diidan dastuurka sanduuqa madaw ayaa loo dooray.
Waqtigaas shicibka Somaliland ayaa diidanaa dastuurka iyo isku darka, sidaas darteed sanduuqa madaw ayaa lagu tilmaamay. Sanadkii 2001 waqtigii aftida dastuurka Somaliland loo diyaargroobayey ayaa la iiga yeedhay madaxtooyada maalin maalmahaas ka mid. Madaxweyne Cigaal oo ay la fadhiyaan guddigii maamulaysay aftida dastuurka, baan u imi. Waxa laga hadlayaa warqadda codaynta waxa lagu qorayo. Markaas ayaan soo jeediyey in la qaato sanduuqii madoobaa iyo kii caddaa oo lagu kala rido warqadda codaynta. Markan ciddii dastuurka iyo gooni-isu-taaga diidani waxay ku qasbanayd inay ku riddo xaashida codaynta sanduuqa madaw, ciddi goonni–isu-taagaa iyo dastuurka ogolina waxay ku ridaysay sanduuqa cad. Ninba waa mar’eh mus ma kula koray!!. Somaliland Aftidii dastuurkaasi hore ee 1961 waxa badatay tiradii dadka diiday, sidaas darteed Somaliland waa diiday oo burisay isku darkii. Wixii ka dambaysay maalintaas , qayri sharci ayuu ahaa midawgi labada dal ee Somaliland iyo Somalia.
Dhinaca Somalia codayntii waa lagu shubtay oo sanaadiiqdii ayaa laga buuxiyey codad “Haa dastuurku” ah oo aan jirin. Waxa jirta magaalo yar oo markaas tuullo ahayd oo u dhexaysa magaalooyinka ,Afgooye iyo Buurxakaba oo la yidhaahdo Wanno-weyn (Caano-weyn) afka dadka Eelayga ee halkaasi degga ee ah qabiilka Daafeed. Magacii waxa uu isu-beddelay dhinacan Somaliland Wallaweyn. Waxa dhacday guddoomiyihii degmadda oo arrinta ku-shubashada coddadka doorashooyinka iyo musqmaasaqooda caan ku noqday oo la odhan jiray Ibraahim Boolis; ayaa Waxa uu sheegay markii codayntii dhacday in degmada wallaweyn ay ka codaysay 99 kun oo aan hal diidan lahayn oo u wada codeeyey dastuurka.
Akhristaw, Somaliland oo dhan boqol kun ayaa ka codaysay markaas. Waaaw halkaas ayaa waxa ka tisqaaday magaca Wallaweyn oo loo aanneeyey khiyaamo iyo wax isdaba marin kadibna kalsoonnidii ayaa dhimatay is-aaminiddiina way luntay. Sidaas ayaa loo kal booday. 1960 dadka ku noolaa Soomaaliya waxa lagu qiyaasay hal milyan iyo laba boqol iyo konton kun (1,250,000); dadka ku noollaa Somaliland-na waxa lagu qiyaasay lix boqol iyo sideetan kun (680,000). Sidaas oo ay tahay Aftidii dastuurkii 1961 waxa dawladdii ku sheegtay in hal milyan iyo laba boqol oo kun (1,200,000) ay codeeyeen dhinaca Somalia, dhinaca Somaliland-na boqol kun (100,000). Waar bal day maxaa ku baxay boowe! Waxaba ha yaabin.
Codayntii aftida dastuurka Somaliland waxa Guddigii maamulaysay sheegtay in ay codeeyeen hal milyan iyo laba boqol oo kun (1,200,000). Dadweynaha reer Somaliland waqtigaas waxa lagu qiyaasay Saddex milyan.
Nin aanu isku majlis nahay oo Ciidagale ah oo Xasan Guure Jaamac la yidhaahdo, ayaa marka dhacdo isla mid ah wararka adduunka lagu sheego waxaa uu yidhaahdaa “Waar; [ileyn] dadku waa wada Ciidagale!!”. ama ha caddaado ama ha madoobaado ama indha-yar ha ahaado, waa dad uun oo isku si ayey u fal celiyaan!. Aan anna tixraaco saaxiibkay Xasan Guure’eh ‘Waar Ileyn Soomaalidu waa wada Wallaweyn!”
Wax yar ka dib markii aftidii dastuurku dhacday 1961-kii bishii Juun, ayaa waxa fatahay labadii webi ee Shabeelle iyo Jubbaa ee Soomaaliya. Daad ayaa qaaday beerihii iyo dadkii, Ciidammada Maraykanka ayaa u soo gurmaday oo badbaadiyey. Waxa iyana jirtay in wadaaddada reer Somaliland ay u ololaynayeen waqtigaas dastuurka in la qaato oo loo codeeyo; deeto codkii suuqii ama ra’yigii dadweynaha ayaa arrintaas qoonsaday. Waxa markaas soo booday hal-hayskan; “Illaahi Wallaweyn webiga ku furoow annana naga qaad wadaaddada”. Ayaamahan suuqu waxa uu leeyahay “Illaahi Wallaweyn Washaysiga badoow, annana naga……. Suldaannada”.
Marxuun Madaxweyne Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal, khudbaddii u dambaysay ee uu khayriyada ka jeediyo waxay ahayd 18 Mey 2001. Ma ku simin naftu inuu gaadho 18 Meydii 2002 ee waxa uu xijaabtay 3 May 2002. Haddaba khudbaddaasi markuu jeedinayey (oo ahayd xilligii aftida dastuurka la isu-diyaarinayey) waa uu xannuunsanayey waxa makrafoonka u hayey Marxuun Cismaan Basbaas oo duqa magaalada Hargeysa waqtigaas ahaa.
Anigu waxan fadhiyey kursi agtiisa ah, markuu u soo baxayey mensada garabka ayuu isii qabsaday, Illaahay ha u naxariisto. Wax badan ayuu ku soo qaaday khudbaddaasi, oo ay ka mid ahayd aftida dastuurka. Waxa uu sheegay inuu filayo in tirada dadka u codeeyey dastuurku ay noqonayso boqolkiiba sideetan (80% ) Waxa u codeeyey boqolkiiba 97%. Waxa uu yidhi axsaab ayaad ku tartami doontaan, [way dhacday oo] waa lagu tartamay. Waxaa uu gacanta ku fiiqay hortiisa iyo dhinaca shacabka [shacab area] oo wuxuu yidhi; guryo dhaadheer oo kuwa Dubay ku yaal oo kale ah ayaad halkaas ka dhisan doontaan, [taasina way dhacday oo] waa laga dhisay. Waxa kale oo uu yidhi; Markaas anigu idin lama joogo taasina sidii bay u dhacday oo Nin weyni wedkiisa waa yaqaannaa oo ka hor ayuu allaystay. Ayaamahaas uu xannuunsanyey ayaa la arki waayey, markaas ayaan Daahir Rayaale oo Madaxweyne-ku–xigeenkiisa ahaa, waxaan ku idhi; “Waar Madaxweynihii ma u war haysaa?”. Waxa uu igu yidhi; “Xalay ayaan u tegay oo aan ku idhi dhakhtar ma laguu qaadaa, wax uu igu yidhi waar nin weyn ayaan ahay; oo nin weyni wedkiisa waa yaaqaanaa.” Waxa jirtay markii aftida la isu diyaarinayey ayaa wadaad caan ah oo reer Burco ihi ka hor yimi aftida dastuurka oo yidhi waa xaaraan. Marxuun Cigaal khudbaddii khayriyadda ayuu farriin ugu diray sheekhii oo intuu magcaabay ku yidhi; “Hebelaw kaalay ila maqr-reyso, oo Hargeysa kaalay ha la ina dhegaystee.” Marxuunku Jeelkii labaatan jirow ayuu Qur’aanka ku qaybay oo korka ayuu ka hayey. Wadaadkii ma iman Hargeysa lamana uu maqr-reysan marxuun Cigaal, hase yeeshee waa uu hadlay oo xalaalleeyey aftidii dastuurka. Bal waa taas’eh afti dastuur ha laga qaadi karo meel Soomaali degto, carkee! Yaa ku dhaca! Halkan waa lagu dhacay wadiiqo kasta ha loo maree.
Isla sannadkii 1961 bishii December waxa dhicisoobay afgembi ay isku dayeen sarakiil reer Somaliland ahi, oo markaas ku sugnaa Somaliland. Ujeeddada afgembigu waxay ahayd in dib looga soo gurto oo laga soo noqdo isku darkii.
Raggii waagaa isku dayey afgembigaas waxa ka mid ahaa Marxuun Cabdi Dhallac, Marxuun Siciid Cali Giir iyo Marxuun Cabdikariin Cashuur Cabdule; seddexdaasi marxuun waxay ka soo jeedeen Deegaanka Laascaanood iyo Laas-qoray.
Safiir Cawil Xaaji Cali Ducaale iyo Safiir Cabdillaahi Kongo ayaa ka nool raggaasi, inta aan ka war hayo. Halganka gobanimo-doonka ilaa kii daraawiishta ee isticmaarka lagula dagaalamayey, kii axsaabta iyo kii jabhadda xoraynta Soomaaliyeed (SNM) dadka mandaqadda degaa waa ku wada jiraan mar kasta, haloo kala batee mararkaasi. Haddaba yaan maskaxda dhallinyaradda soo kacaysaa lagu abuurin taariikh kooban, oo dadka kala takooraysa.
Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-66021503782628795502015-10-10T23:27:00.002-07:002015-10-10T23:27:49.924-07:00SHAMED: Foreign aid fat cats who built £1.4billion empire... with YOUR tax money<b><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg85kR5FPLNDXc-zw08v2pBd7OwFa7gsIUzz3Wfu2OoT9tSAWplB9ZwWst03KKaj6dgdqafZGnzrLOlbGUa0_L6l0YEP8Qf6uMvUZcdrCgyHCrfHujfN1V0M5ScsAXmyUnil6uu166neZKY/s1600/290346E900000578-0-image-m-26_1432411621158.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg85kR5FPLNDXc-zw08v2pBd7OwFa7gsIUzz3Wfu2OoT9tSAWplB9ZwWst03KKaj6dgdqafZGnzrLOlbGUa0_L6l0YEP8Qf6uMvUZcdrCgyHCrfHujfN1V0M5ScsAXmyUnil6uu166neZKY/s320/290346E900000578-0-image-m-26_1432411621158.jpg" /></a></div>
• Share of foreign aid delivered by contractors tripled in two years to £1.4bn
• Charity chiefs are known to earn annual salaries of more than £250,000
• Firms allegedly claim from consultants costing taxpatyers £1,000 a day</b>
Caroline Pinder passionately believes in the power of aid to help the world’s poor. She has dedicated the past 25 years of her life to this cause, working on projects often supported by British taxpayers in two dozen countries from Albania to Zimbabwe.
But last month she quit – dismayed at how the Government has lost control of its bloated foreign aid budgets to the ‘poverty barons’: a small group of profit-hungry private consultancies who now dominate the aid industry.
‘This money is meant to be going on poverty reduction in the Third World,’ Pinder said. ‘It is not meant to be about all these people doing so well back here in Britain.’
Pinder told me she grew gradually more distraught at seeing foreign aid exploited by wealthy Western firms enriching themselves with ‘ineffectual’ schemes and ‘faddish’ projects that she says are often ‘off the scale of unreality’.
‘Our job was supposed to be about reducing poverty. But now you just see these people chasing bigger and bigger profits,’ she told me. ‘It is a long way from what development was ever meant to be.’
This dedicated woman is right to be alarmed by the rise of these Western foreign aid fat cats, some of whom are making millions for themselves in the quest to banish global deprivation.
I spoke to her as part of a Mail on Sunday investigation that exposes the shocking truth behind all those soft-soap promises of politicians and charity chiefs to change the world with our tax billions.
We can reveal that:
• The share of Britain’s £12billion annual foreign aid budget delivered by contractors has almost tripled in two years to £1.4billion a year according to analysis of Government data – despite pledges to review this figure two years ago.
• The biggest 11 firms – six of which are British – were handed almost half a billion pounds last year. This is more than double the sum they were given two years earlier.
• Favoured contractors are seeing profits soar and margins rise as they boast of winning multi-million-pound deals from the Department for International Development (DfID). One saw profits almost double in a year – but avoided paying any corporation tax, while a second paid less than one per cent of profits in tax.
• Six-figure pay packages are commonplace, with executives earning annual salaries of more than £250,000, massive dividends and substantial annual pay rises. Average salaries at some firms, including the most junior staff, are in excess of £50,000.
• The most successful consultancy – largely funded by taxpayers – has almost doubled spending on administrative expenses in a year to more than £10million.
• There are accusations that some firms claim from DfID for consultants costing almost £1,000 a day - then use office interns to do the work or pay outsiders significantly less than billed.
• David Cameron was so concerned these allegations might appear in public that he summoned some whistleblowers to Downing Street, but failed to allay their concerns.
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John Hilary, executive director of War On Want, said: ‘This is the worst possible abuse of the aid budget, which is being recycled to British businesses acting like parasites.
‘It calls into question the point of raising the budgets.’ It is hard to disagree.
I have just returned from investigating the appalling failures of British aid on the tiny Caribbean island of Montserrat. Now it is clear some people back home are becoming very rich off the back of Britain’s profligate pledges to help the world’s poor.
The rise of this ‘consultancy cartel’ is the inevitable consequence of inflating Britain’s aid budget after the Prime Minister’s controversial pledge – backed by opposition parties – to meet an absurd UN target to give away 0.7 per cent of national income.
This means that even as chancellor George Osborne seeks £13 billion spending cuts at home, the sums frittered away abroad on dubious aid projects must soar as the economy grows, to hit a target that is now legally binding. Britain spends £12 billion a year on foreign aid. It rose by more than £4.4 billion under the Coalition government, and the sum is more than any other European nation’s.
Yet staff numbers at DfID rose only slightly. So as they struggle to administer the cash cascade, half the sums are now diverted through multilateral organisations and consultancies with less accountability, higher administrative costs and fewer controls.
<b>THE FAT CAT CONTRACTOR MAKING MILLIONS</b>
DFID’S most successful contractor is Adam Smith International (ASI), which grew out of a free market think tank that, ironically, argues for smaller government and lower taxes. Its directors include Sir Malcolm Rifkind, the Tory MP who quit after cash-for-access claims.
In 2012, its turnover of £72 million was boosted by £43 million from DfID, and it doubled this two years later with projects ranging from tax reform in Afghanistan to market development in Nepal and Nigeria.
Some of the schemes, say insiders, are questionable, with vague outcomes. Yet the firm’s most recent annual report reveals turnover rose 25 per cent to £90.1 million a year later, while post-tax profits shot up 56 per cent to £10.6 million.
‘The group is optimistic about its future prospects,’ stated the report.
Such success has led to huge rewards for its directors, in stark contrast to the struggles faced by the millions of people they are paid to lift from poverty around the planet. Directors shared out £852,260 with the highest-paid director seeing his salary rise from £222,863 to £265,992. The company refuses to disclose his name, despite proclaiming ‘the highest standards of transparency and accountability’.
A spokeswoman denied it was managing director William Morrison. He has previously collected a seven-figure dividend from his 24.7 per cent stake in parent company Amphion, which the report revealed was sold to the firm’s holding company for £10.5 million.
Adam Smith International was singled out for criticism by the powerful Public Accounts Committee two years ago, with MPs warning such dividends were ‘excessive’ and ‘undermined public confidence’ that aid money was being well-spent.
Mr Morrison hit back saying the firm had completed important projects in some of the world’s most dangerous hotspots. ‘I have been shot at in helicopters and cars, mortared on open ground and I have worked from buildings struck repeatedly by rockets.’
The firm cannot be accused of neglecting its staff. It paid them an average salary of £64,400 despite group numbers rising from 77 to 99 as business grew. Its soaring administration costs rose by more than £4 million to £10.3 million.
Business was so good that Rifkind, who infamously complained about living on an MP’s salary, was given a £5,512.50 bonus on top of his £2,916.66 monthly director’s stipend.
An ASI spokeswoman said pay levels were based on market rates. She added: ‘British taxpayers can be assured that they are getting excellent value for money from our teams of specialists, who often risk their lives to achieve results in very difficult and dangerous conditions, helping make Britain more secure and lifting millions out of poverty.’
THE BARONS’ SOARING POVERTY AID PROFITS
OUR investigation shows that big rewards, such as those at ASI are far from unique in the poverty industry, thanks to DfID’s generosity.
One consultancy called Coffey International boasts of being ‘well-positioned to benefit from increased levels of spend by our main client’ in its annual report. The firm received £23.7 million from DfID last year – a substantial increase from the £9.5 million it was handed two years earlier.
Its report also bragged about increasing margins – and revealed a healthy rise in annual profits to almost £5 million.
Then there is the US-owned firm DAI Europe, handed £34.3 million by DfID last year, almost three times the amount given in 2012.
This went on projects such as a £13 million attempt to improve police accountability in conflict- ridden Democratic Republic of Congo. Such schemes helped turnover rise £10 million to £27.4 million according to the firm’s latest accounts, and gross profits almost double to £3.3 million.
But despite doing so well from the generosity of British taxpayers, it did not pay a penny back in corporation tax in either 2012 or 2013. A spokesman said this was due to failure to make net profit. ‘DAI has paid all applicable taxes and is committed to good corporate citizenship wherever we work,’ he said.
Yet DAI Europe could afford to pay staff an average salary of £52,000 – and handed managing director Dr Julian Lob-Levyt £271,102, a rise of almost £23,000 on the previous year, based partly on incentive payments. ‘As stewards of taxpayer funds, often managing projects in some of the world’s most challenging environments, it is critically important that we attract and retain the very best employees,’ said the firm’s spokesman.
Lob-Levyt, a former senior DfID adviser who lives near Ed Miliband in North London, has since moved on. He was replaced by Christopher Lockett, who ran a firm called HTSPE whose expertise in climate change and governance was bought by DAI ‘to increase access to European donor organisations’.
HTSPE was owned by its 47 staff and made annual profits of more than £2 million – which means it would have sold for between £8 million and £12 million, according to a well-placed source.
If it sold for £10 million, payouts to staff would have averaged £213,000 – although senior figures probably received bigger shares of the pot.
GRM International is another contractor seeing turnover, profits and staff numbers soar.
The DfID sum awarded to GRM last year was £25.6 million.
It boasts in its annual report of winning three major new contracts from DfID worth millions and admits ‘99 per cent of turnover was attributable to DfID contracts’.
Yet the Australian-owned multinational paid just £32,690 in corporation tax – less than one per cent of its £3.8 million gross profits.
‘We comply with UK tax law and statutory filings and our financial results are independently audited,’ said a spokesman.
Managing director Kim Bredhauer, who has been with the firm for more than 30 years, is an aid adviser to the Australian government. He lives in the tax haven of Dubai.
Crown Agents – a state enterprise privatised in 1997 and now consulting in more than 100 countries – was given £208 million last year by DfID to run projects.
This was a big rise on the £30 million it received two years beforehand. Yet its latest annual report revealed falling turnover and substantial losses.
The firm’s £192,000-a-year chief executive Terence Jagger, a former Ministry of Defence official who lives in Chiswick, West London, stepped down last month.
Another outfit doing well is Oxford Policy Management. Just two years ago it employed 136 full-time staff, along with 83 casual consultants, but today its website talks of ‘more than 200 staff’ with nine offices in Africa, Asia and Europe.
Higher margins helped deliver profits of £7.8 million in 2013, enabling managing director Simon Hunt to be rewarded with a £185,585 pay and pension package, a hefty increase from the £159,850 taken home the previous year. Last year it was handed £26.7 million by DfID.
Mr Hunt pointed out that Oxford Policy Management had worked with DfID for 20 years and said: ‘Repeat business and the length of relationships are reasonable indicators of a client’s perception of value for money.’
Maxwell Stamp, an ‘international economics consultancy’ based in Britain, received almost £20 million from DfID last year, while Options – an offshoot of abortion provider Marie Stopes that provides ‘technical and management expertise in the health and social sectors’ – saw DfID income rise to £15 million.
THE SPEND, SPEND, SPEND CONSULTANTS
This is an industry that declares itself dedicated to helping the world’s poorest people.
But aid workers told me how, as budgets started to soar under Tony Blair, they saw controls loosen and contractors take over delivery of aid programmes.
‘There was a spend, spend, spend attitude that came from politicians at the top,’ said one former senior DfID official.
As budgets ballooned, these projects were bundled together into ‘frameworks’ such as governance, conflict-resolution and market-creation. These often had loose aims, huge budgets, were hard to quantify and were handed to consulting firms.
Insiders say the culture also changed with emphasis placed on spending over results.
‘Before we would close down projects that were not working but, because of the pressures from above, we began turning a blind eye to failures so long as the money was spent,’ said the ex-DfID source.
The legacy can be seen in places such as Nigeria, getting the biggest increase of any major recipient nation over the course of the coalition with £247 million handed over this year.
Among the firms involved on multi-million projects are ASI, GRM and DAI.
Yet one consultant working there admitted many of the schemes were ineffective. ‘It would be better to drive through Nigeria shovelling money out the back of a lorry – and given the sums involved, you would need a shovel,’ he said.
Another consultant was surprised to see a £13.6 million project to boost construction in four states when the sector was clearly booming.
‘I would go into the office and see all the consultants sitting around drinking coffee after flying in from around the world,’ said this source.
‘They were doing workshops and research, but we all knew the problems. You were making recommendations to a corrupt government that would do nothing about it but was happy to have the money.’
This might be pointless but it can be highly lucrative: ASI has charged almost £2,500 for attendance at five-day training courses passing on its ‘governance’ expertise. I heard from consultants on daily rates of close to £950, while major City consultancies are reputed to claim even higher fees for experts.
Those involved include KPMG, which runs ‘accountability’ projects in Africa despite being accused of aiding tax avoidance by MPs.
‘MAKE £150,000 A YEAR WITHOUT SWEAT’
THE MPs also attacked accountancy giant PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) for promoting tax avoidance ‘on an industrial scale’ earlier this year, yet this has not stopped the firm from handling a surge in DfID spending from £33.7 million in 2012 to £42.9 million last year.
‘The majority of the figures represent the funds we disburse on behalf of DfID,’ said a spokesman. ‘They do not represent the level of fees paid to PwC.’
Little wonder one former DfID official told me he quit his £60,000-a-year civil service job and started earning £650-a-day as a consultant doing much the same work. ‘You can make £150,000 a year without much sweat,’ he said.
He added that he would pay people daily rates of £400 and ‘charge out’ £800 to funders. Such claims were supported by other former and current consultants, who said DfID knew about such mark-ups but were often oblivious to the scale of them.
‘You go into development to make a difference to the world but then find out so much money ends up back here,’ said a source.
Other aid workers told me of local staff billed to DfID as £205-a-day consultants but paid only £90, and of numerous conferences held in expensive hotels. One consultant claimed contractors win deals on the basis of using outside experts or workers at fixed rates, then reduce their workload and use lower-paid internal staff to boost profits. There was even a rumour that executives at one firm bet a case of champagne on whether DfID would pay out for a fabricated £25,000 invoice – which they did instantly.
Whether apocryphal or not, the story highlights widely held beliefs.
Whistleblowers sought to raise such concerns with DfID, the official watchdog, Ministers and MPs to improve the effectiveness of spending and evaluation of contracts. They contacted David Cameron, claiming he urged them not to go public and arranged a meeting at No 10 with Kate Joseph, his adviser on foreign affairs and development.
Joseph admitted the £180 million Growth And Employment In States programme in Nigeria ‘had been pretty bad’ but told them DfID believed it was now back on track.
One whistleblower said: ‘Whatever DfID does they can justify it because they use all these statistics that are impossible to verify. All that matters is their money is being spent.’
DfID introduced a code of conduct for consultants two years ago after it emerged they were taking almost half a billion pounds annually.
‘Suppliers need to show they are delivering the very best value for taxpayers money,’ said Justine Greening, the secretary of state.
She refused to publish an internal inquiry into their use, however, prompting accusations of hypocrisy given her department’s emphasis on transparency.
DfID insists all contracts are issued after a competitive bid process.
‘We provide care and support to people in some of the most hostile and poorest places in the world,’ said a source. ‘Often they are the only agencies able to deliver the results we need on the ground.’
Trade body British Expertise International also defended their work. Chief executive Tracey Smith said: ‘Increased spend demonstrates greater confidence that contractors are delivering exceptional, accountable results with real value for money.’
Source: Web,Dailymail.
Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-51109120822768048672015-10-09T08:06:00.000-07:002015-10-09T08:06:56.340-07:00Somaliland Ma Dhaafi Kartaa Waddada Oodanay Afka Saartay?
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Somaliland su'aalaha horyaalla waxa ka mid ah jiritaankeedii ummadnimo iyo qarameed ma sii socon karaa oo ma la sugi karaa Somaliland is haysata oo midnimo ku naalloota; qaran iyo dad ahaan ba?
Taas ka horjeedkeeda, waxa wadnaha farta lagaga hayaa in ay u kala firidho sidii adhi weere galay. Tani saadin belaayo iyo shar doonnimo ma aha ee waa “khayr wax kuma yeelo, ee shar u tooga hay”! Waa welwel, walbahaar iyo walaac uu waayaha jiraa ku soorayo garaad kasta oo fekeraya, caqli kasta oo gorfayn ku hilaadin kara waxa jira iyo waxa ka dhalan kara cidhib dambeed ahaan.
Haddii uu sii socda dareenka taban ee xoogga dhexdeena ku leh ee ah "waxa aynu nahay reero wax isku darsaday oo reeronimadaas wax kaga dhexeeyaan" waxa hubanti ah in aynaan qarannimo weligeen hanan kari doonin, goor ay noqotana in reeruhu iska hor iman doonaan, oo ku kala dhaqaaqi doonaan waxa ay is moodsiiyeen in ay isku darsadeen ee ka dhexeeya!
Nidaamka beelaha haddii wax lagu yagleelay xilligii adkaa ee colaadaha iyo dagaallada sokeeye laga soo doogay, waxa ay ahayd in qarannimo looga sii gudbo oo qabiilka iyo qarannimada la kala saaro, illayn labadu ma wada noolaan karayaan oo xafiisku kama dhaxayn karo eh.
Haddii garaadku shaqeeyo oo loo fekero si togan oo wax-ku-ool ah, madaxna bannaan oo xor ah waxa kuu soo baxaysa in nidaamka qabiil ee wax lagu dhisay uu isaga laftiisu dumin karo waxaas lagu dhisay oo uu cadow u yahay.
Tusaale haddii 1991 iyo 1993 Burco iyo Boorame loo wada dhammaa wada yeelashada Somaliland oo beeluhu wada yagleesheen 25 sannadood ka dib, waxa isa soo taraysa in wada yeelashadaasi sii shiiqayso ama degaannada qaar aanay biyo-dhigin ba oo ay sheekobaraley agtooda ka ahayn, cid u rumaysana aanay il baal ka qaadin, cid sii fogaysa mooyaane.
Qaybaha ugu badan ee bulshada Sool iyo Sanaag Bari way sii durkayeen, illaa in badani fogaadeen maanta oo ay geeri ka xigaan in ay wax la yeeshaan beelo kale oo Somaliland magac ah sita.
Waxa kale oo dareen tabani mar kasta ka oognaa Awdal oo Somaliland aanay in badani laabta u sii dayn, dareenkaas oo maantadaa qoyan isna carcarihiisa qaba oo taagan.
Beelaha dhexe oo ahaa isirkii ugu weynaa ee yagleelka Somaliland dabada ka riixayey ayaa u kala qubtay oo maanta u kala yaalla reero, jilibbo iyo raasas ooduhu u kala rogan yihiin oo aan dabka kala qaadan.
Calaamadahan oo dhami ma aha wax cusub ee waa dhaqankii iyo geddii lagu yiqiin ee laga fili karayey nidaamka qabaliga ah iyo noloshiisa. Waa reero oo dhul iyo mabaadiyi kama dhexeeyaan ee waxa ka dhexeeya tolliimo iyo hiilo ka dhaxaysa hadba intii dhiig wadaag leh ama hab is gaashaan-buuraysi leh.
Xafiiskii dawladeed ayaa waxa isugu yimi laba ama in ka badan oo ah dad ka soo kala jeeda beelo aan dhiig iyo is bahaysi wadaag ahayn.
Waa kuwaas isku haysta ee ku dagaallamaya. Xafiiskii iyo wasaaraddii waxa ay noqdeen meel had ba ninka ka madaxda ah uu reerkoodu leeyahay.
Madaxtooyada iyo dawladdeenna waxa mar na leh oo loo nisbeeyaa qolo guud oo Isaaq la yidhaahdo, mar kale na reer hoose oo Habarjeclo la yidhaahdo. Waa dhab taasi waa xukuumad kasta waxa loo aaneeyaa in reer leeyahay ama reero ka xigaan kuwa kale, ta dhalan doontana waa sidaas haddii aan tubtaas iyo garashadaas wax laga beddelin.
Intu ba waa xaqiiqo jirta haddii aan la is yeel yeelayn oo waaqaca horteenna yaalla ka dhex muuqda.
Mas'uulku Somaliland uma qoolna xilkiisa iyo waxa uu mas'uulka ka yahay, oo cidi ka la ma xisaabtami karto wax kasta oo uu bi'iyo, waa waa nin reer hebel u jooga, oo qarannimadii la isku darsaday u metela, haddii la soo qaado waldays (ul ama budh) ayaa ciddii wax ka sheegta lagu la soo haadayaa. Haddii uu duray qaado waa laga wada daba qufacayaa.
Sifada qof xil loogu dhiibaa waa reer hebelnimadaas lafteeda ee ma aha aqoontiisa iyo xirfaddiisa qofnimo. Aqoon iyo xirfadi ba qiimo-soorka ama qiyamta kuma jiraan oo meel kuma laha. Waa wada maan gurracan iyo garasho jaan. Maqluubkay maskaxdu u fekertaa.
Waxa taas la mid ah in aanu muwaaddinku xaq iyo xuquuq ba lahayn si la mid ah sida marka uu dembi galo aan loo la xisaabtami karin. Labada jeer ba waa reer hebel waxa wax lagu qiimaynayaa. Codkaaga iyo hankaagu ba waxa ay u xidhan yihiin reer hebel oo sidii ay cuqaashu ku arrimiyaan waa in aad yeeshaa. Dsiyaasiga iyo aqoonyahanku waxa ay hayaan xilkii cuqaasha ee maaha dad nolosha doorar iyo kaalin ku leh.
Siyaasiga Somaliland waxa fekerkiisa, garaadkiisa, dareenkiisa iyo ficiladiisa ba qaabeeya oo sameeya salaadiinta beeshiisa iyo qabyaaladda ama qabiilka iyo taxaalufaysigiisa, bahaysigiisa siyaasiga ah. Axsaabteenna iyo noloshooda siyaasadeed ba dheeho. Waa qabaa’il iyo qabyaalad dhismahoodu. Qaarkood waxa bay u dhisan yihiin si u eg habraaca islaamuhu ay haqbadda isugu darsan jireen oo reero ayaa hagbadaysanay, oo sidaasi in ay sax tahay ku tagsan oo aaminay.
Ma jiro ama waa faro-ku-tiris siyaasi ama hoggaamiye ina hor keeni kara qorshe iyo barnaamij siyaasadeed oo leh himilo, higsi iyo ujeeddooyin qarameed oo ka turjumi kara baahida iyo tabashooyinka qaran ee jira: Kala daadashada garashadii ummadnimo, dhaqaalaha sii hagaasaya, shaqo la’aanta iyo saboolnimada sii baahaysa, tayada la’aanta inta la haysto ee waxbarasho leh, caafimaad leh, waddo iyo jid la maro leh, biyo leh, daryeel naf iyo nool leh, garsoor iyo caddaalad leh, han iyo hirasho leh, aqoonsi dibadeed iyo xidhiidh caalami leh, ee intan in kale ba leh. Waxa siyaasiga kaga gudban garshada reernimo ee wax kasta kala weyn oo iyada uu marna kula eertaa oo la hoos galaa dunaabtiisa iyo dhalliilihiisa, mar kalena uu taageero iyo cod ka durraantaa.
Halkanna waxa habaas ku dul fuulay distoor, sharci iyo qaanuun oo dhan oo waxa loo gacan galay kaymihii dabar iyo seeto la'aanta. Sigaasigeenna iyo mas’uulkeennu ba waa “awr dabar la’aan dhacay”! dembi ma qabto, xaal na ma qabto, wax ba ba ma qabtaan.
Ma jiro muwaaddin xil laga la xisaabtamaa saraan yahay, ma na jiro muwaaddin leh xaq iyo xuquuq. Maxaa markaas qanuun iyo sharci looga baahan yahay?!
Haddii sharci iyo qaanuun la raacaa wax ba agteenna ka noqon waayeen oo dawladnimadeennu ka maarantay, oo aynu ka doorbidnay xeer jajabkii qabiilooyinka iyo taxaalufkoodii, is garabsigoodii iyo is gaashaan-buuraysigoodii ku salaysnaa iska caabbinta iyo muquuninta qolooyinka kale, waxa aynu gawrac ugu jiidnay oo aynu god dad liq ah oo gun dheer iyo dalluun ku hubsanaynaa qarannimo inoo hanaqaadda iyo isirradeedii, waxa na aynu horseednay raacidda jid qardajeex ah oo qodxaan badan oo burbur, danni iyo is waa' miidhan ah.
Ma sii wada noolaan karaan qabiilka iyo qarannimada kursiga xafiiska dawladeed ku wada fadhiyaa?
Ma kala saari karnaa qabiilka iyo qarannimada xafiiska dawladeed sidii Reer Yurub ugu guulaysteen in ay kala saaraan Kiniisadda iyo Dawladda markii ay wada noolaan kari waayeen dhawr weyn oo qarni ka hor?
Ma abuuri karnaa qaran walaaleeya qabaa'ilka oo dhan sidii Diinta Islaamku Jasiiradda Carbeed ka dhaqan gelisay soo if-baxeedii?!
Sidee ayaynu ugu gudbi karnaa “qafla baabayntaas” qarannimadii afka saartay?
Miyaynaan gaadhin wakhtigii la is waydiin lahaa, laga fekeri lahaa hoggaan leh karti, garasho, aqoon, daacadnimo iyo hufnaan oo dejin kara, abuuri kara, inaga iibin kara, oo soo bandhigi kara qorshe iyo barnaamij siyaasadeed oo la noolaan kara bugtadeenna, oo dabiib u raadin kara xannuunadeenna iyo dhibaatooyinkeenna ina barriinsaday. Hoggaan (koox) leh han iyo himilo qaran, higsi iyo ujeeddooyin fulineed oo aan afka baarkiisa ahayn, u qoolan mas’uuliyaddooda, isirradii maamul wanaaggu iyaga iyo dhaqankooda ka muuqdaan, oo sharciga iyo qaynuunku dabbaalaan oo xidhaan. Hoggaan isu soo taaga gobollada oo dhan isaga oo aan reero ahaan iyo qabyaalad ku beerlaxawsanayn oo wax kaga doonayn, hase yeeshee wax qabad iyo qorshe wax kaga iibinaya oo cod kaga doonaya. Haddii hoggaankaas la helo xisbigii uu doono ba sallaan ha ka dhigto’e, waxa aan u arkaa in Somaliland ka gudbi karto waddada oodanta ah ee ay shafka ku hayso maanta.
Maxay kula tahay?
Qalinkii Maxamed Baashe X Xasan
Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-74324697050747453842015-10-08T01:10:00.001-07:002015-10-08T01:53:18.487-07:00Siyaad Barre iyo la kulankisii uugu horeeyey ee Garsoorayaasha,1969<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="344" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/0xIXU6YWHw8" width="459"></iframe>Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-75312376101415893062015-10-08T01:00:00.000-07:002015-10-08T01:00:22.607-07:00Talo dihatey leegada markii damacu ee geeyey.(Pro Gees,Dharaaro xasuustood Qaybtii 42)Talo dihatey leegada markii damacu ee geeyey
Ee Aadan iyo ay dhaceen dawladdu haystay
Aniguba dilaal baan ku helay derajadaydii eh”
Maxamed Xaaji Ibrahim Cigaal
Mohamed Saeed Gees, Executive Director
Mohamed Saeed Gees, Executive Director
Marxuun Cigaal waxa uu dareemay in uu qariib ku ahaa Muqdisho oo xilka uu ku helay dilaalnimo, tuducani waxa uu ku bilaa gabaygii uu jeelka ku tiriyey markii askartu afgembiga ku qabsatay dalkii Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed ee madaxdii ku gurtay jeelasha. Arrintaas oo siyaasiin badan oo Somaliland u dhalatay oo filayey inay xilal buuran ka qabtaan Soomaaliya ay ku hambaabireen in kobtu aanay kobtii ahayn mar dambe, taas oo Barafasoor Axmed Ismaaciil Samatar ka dhawaajiyey oo ka badheedhay, Kuwa badanina hoos u sheegaan oo ka xishoodeen inay kaga sanqadhiyaan. Haseyeeshee, hoos ayey u sheegaan.
Dalka Singabuur (Singapore) ee ah Jasiiradda ku taalla Konfurta- bari ee Aasiya, ayaa dhowaan u dabbaal-degay 50 guuradii ka soo wareegtay markii laga eryey Federaalkii Maleeshiya (Malaysia) sannadkii 1965 ee uu goonni-isu-taagay. Maleeshiya oo shidaal iyo macdanta jaandiga (Tin) iyo khayraad badan oo kale lahayd, halka Singabuur ay ahayd Jasiird kaneeco badan oo wax khayraad ah lahayn waqtigaas.Tolow! qolada webiyada leh ee muuska, bariiska, canbaha, saliidda iyo macdanaha kale leh may iska cayriyaan Puntland iyo Galmudug, Somaliland iska ictiraafaan oo waa halkii Aw Koombe eh ay jiifka ku jaqaan nimcadaas. Aw Koombe oo madadaaliye ahaa ayaa laga hayaa: annaga oo jiifka ku jaqna nimcada ayaa Mudug iyo Majeerteeniya (Puntland) nagu soo biireen, markaas ayaan sara-fadhiisan oo fadhiga ku jaqnay. Wax yar ka dib ayaa Somaliland nagu soo darsatay deeto waa la sara-joogsanay cuntadii, wax yar ka dib ayaa qaxootigii Somali Galbeed noo yimid, deeto orodka ayaan cuntadii ku cunay.
Haddaba, kontan sanno ka dib Jasiiradii Singabuur (Singapore), waxa lagu tilmaamay bulshadda abid, intii taarikhda la garanayo jirtay ee ku guulaysatay in ay horumar nololeed ku gaadho muddo kooban oo konton sanno ah ama fac keliya ah. Konton sano iyo in ka badan, Hargeysa ayaan dhextaagnaa welina dooxii ayaa dameerkii ka dhaaminayaa. Sannadkii 1965 dakhliga qofka ku soo hagaaga ee Jasiiraddaas Singabuur (Singapore) ku noolaa waxa lagu qiyaasay shan boqol (500) oo dollar sannadkii. Konton sanno ka dib waxa dakhliga qofka Jasiiraddaasi ku nool manta lagu qiyaasaa shan iyo konton kun (55,000) oo dollar!!! Waar bal day. Waa heestii Abwaan Axmed Saleebaan Bidde; “Saw anaa hurdee… Saw lama kal dhaqaaqin!!” In la kala tegay waa u taagnaa. Jasiiraddii waxay ka mid tahay dalalka adduunka ugu hodansan maanta. Waxa la isweydiiyaa sidee ayey ku gaadhay horumarka intaas le’eg, iyada oo wax khayraad ah lahayn? Dadka ku nool jasiiraddaasi waxay ku guulaysteen inay helaan hoy ay galaan, cunto, caafimaad, tacliin iyo shaqo, waa inta qofku u baahan yahay. Boqolkiiba sagaashan 90% waxay ku jiraan guryo ay leeyihiin.
Jaamacadda, lagu barto maaraynta iyo maamulka dawladnimada oo ku taalla Jasiiradaasi oo loogu magac-daray hoggaamiyihii dalkaas Lee Kuwan Yew School of Government, barafasoor wax ka dhiga ayaa sababta lagu gaadhay horumarka intaasi le’eg ku soo koobay saddex qodob:
Meritocracy (Xukunka dalka oo ku jira gacanta xubnaha bulshada ugu aqoon iyo maskax badan), Pragmatism (Ka- soo- dheegashada bulshooyinka kale) Honesty (Hufnaan iyo daacadnimo)
Meritocracy: waxa looga jeedaa in dalku uu la soo baxo muwaadiniintiisa ugu aqoon badan ee ugu maskax badan ee ugu habboon xilalka dalka oo xukunka loo dhiibo. Qofkii shaqo loo dhiibayo oo imtixaan aqooneed ku hela oo ku mutayasta ee aan saami-qabiil iyo reernimo iyo tolnimo lagu xulan oo lagu dooran.
Pragmatism: Waxa looga jeedaa inaan la isku mashquulin in nidaam dawladnimo oo cusub la ikhtiraaco. Dhibaato kasta oo dal la soo darista waa la soo arkay oo dad ayaa la soo kulmay oo xal u helay. Raadso kuwaas oo soo qaado sida ay ku furdaamiyeen adoo ku salaynayaa waayahaaga. Dunida aad ku nooshahay tijaabooyinka hirgalay ee lagu guulaystay ka soo qaado. Shalaad baratee waa la shubi jiray! Sida loogu heeso marka ceelka loo shubayo xoolaha.
Honesty: Hufnaan ama daacadnimo. Dalalka habaarku ku dhacay ee saboolnimadu raagaadisay waxa sabab u ah, musqmaasaqa. Musqmaasaq waa Soomaali meheradeedii eh. Mar haddii la xalaalaysto xoolaha dalkaas ama beyta-maalka; dalkaasi ha ka sugin horumar iyo bulsho hodan noqota. Inta garaadku gaajaysan yahay guuli waa weli eh, miyuu Abwaan Maxamed Warsame ( Hadraawi ) yidhi?. Fandhaal foodda loo buuxiyaa waa fashiish xumo eh, mar haddii fatalaq loo darsaday fadalku weynaaye. Waa in madaxdu dufanka farahooda iyo dharkooda ka ilaashataa haddii kale waa haddii kale!!!
1964 waxa Wasiirka kowaad ama Ra’iisal-wasaare ka noqday Jamhuuriyaddii Somaaliyeed Marxuun Cabdirisaaq Xaaji Xuseen, ninkaasi waxa uu la yimi nidaam dawladnimo oo uu ku tilmaamay hadal hays ahaa “Karti iyo Hufnaan” “Merit and honesty.”
Guddomiyayaasha degmooyinka waxa uu u magcaabay rag jaamiciyiin ah oo jaamacadaha dibedda wax ku soo bartay. Agaasimayaalka Guud iyo Wasiirrada sidaas oo kale ayuu ku soo xushay qaar badan oo la dhaliilayeyna waa ruqseeyey. Siyaasadaasi ma tisqaadin ee way xagal-daacday waxay ahayd siyaasad Mudugaysan.
Isaga iyo Adan Cadde tartankii madaxtooyadda ayaa lagaga guulaystay 1967. Abwaan Qaasim oo mucaarid ku ahaa dawladdaasi oo gabayo badan u tiriyey ayaa yidhi isaga oo durayaa guddoomiye Jaamici ahaa oo Burco loo soo beddelay, abwaankuna uu markaas Burco ka shaqaynayey: Kartidii iyo hufnaantii haddii ay hebelo noo keentay, Dad habaar qaba ayaa …………. lagu haleeyaaye, sawkaa hadhuudhkii casaa hawd u raray maaha.
1997 aniga oo ah Wasiirka Qorshaynta ee Somaliland ah, ayaa waxa muddo gaaban la taliye u ahaa Wasaaradda nin khawaaje ah oo ku ciraystay bilaad- Soomal oo welina jooga oo la odhan Jiray John Drysdale. Hadda diintii ayuu beddeshay oo waa Muslimay oo Yacquub ayuu la baxay. John waxa uu muddo badan ku noolaa Jasiiraddaas Singapore, waxa uu ii sheegay inuu asaasay joornaalka caanka noqday ee dalkaas ee Straits Times. Buug ayuu ka qorayey hormoodkii horumarkaas ka madax ahaa Lee Kuwan Yew oo uu ka aflaxay Jaamcadda caanka ee Cariga Ingiriiska ku taal ee Cambridge University, halkaas ayuu shahaado sharciga ah ka qaatay oo derajo cid dhif ihi gaadho ku helay shahaadadii. Mar hadduu sidaas u maskax badnaa waxa uu xushay qofba qofkuu ka maskax badnaa ee ka aqoon badnaa ee ku noolaa jasiiradaasi Singabuur.
John Drysdale, la taliyihii Wasaaradda Qorshaynta ee Somaliland xilligaas 1997 – 1998, waxa uu la yimi talo ah saddex qodob oo Somaliland loogu asaasi karo nidaam horumarineed sida Singabuur, kaas oo ahaa sidatan: In guryaha dalka iyo baloodhada iyo beeraha ee dalku leeyahay la diiwangeliyo oo combuyuutar la geliyo, sidoo kale dadweynaha dalka ku nool la diiwangeliyo, halkaas ayaa horumarka laga bilaabayaa marka dad iyo hantida ma–guurtada ah ee dalku leeyahay la ogaado oo la diiwangeliyo.
Shirkad uu lahaa John Drysdale ayaa Marxuun Cigaal u oggolaaday inay hawshaas fuliso, balse waxa qudha ee kaalmo loo helnay in beeraha Goballada Galbeed (Maroodijeex, Gabiilay iyo Awdal) lagu hirgeliyo mashruucaasi (Cadastral Survey), tii guryaha waa socon weyday oo Maayarkii Caasimadda ayaa is-hortaagay oo fahmi waayey ujeeddadii mashruuca. Arrintii diiwangelinta dadweynaha oo Wasaaraddu qaabilsanyd oo Madaxweynuhu amar ku siiyey; markii khabiirkii tirokoobka ee mashruuca qorshayn lahaa la soo helay oo haya’dda ICD ( Progresso) ay Wasaaradda ku taageertay ayaa la iga beddelay Wasaaraddii, hawlihiina halkaas ayey ku istaageen oo iigu danbaysay. Ma moodaa boowe? Inaanu riyoonaynay marka aan is lahayn Shankaroon, Singabuur (Singapore) labaad ka dhiga ee aannu shaqadda u lugayn jirnay! Kontankii sannadood, labaatan iyo afar waa tageen, intii Somaliland goonni-isu-taagtay, waxna la tag-taag nin iyo tamartii. Beenaw! Labaatanka iyo lixda sanno ee kale ma la heli karaa qof (Rag iyo Dumar midku doono) oo dalka horumar gaadhsiiya.!
Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-19613732770536608082015-10-08T00:27:00.001-07:002015-10-08T00:27:27.154-07:00Cigaal, iyo badheedhahiisii mabdi'iisa shakhsiyeed.<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="270" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/_A2qn7uMTT0" width="480"></iframe>Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-82115749851613438152015-10-04T06:41:00.000-07:002015-10-04T06:41:10.828-07:0015 Things to Know Before You Go to Hargeisa <div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hargeisa is not Mogadishu.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Most people don’t know much about Hargeisa, in northwestern
Somalia. But for many travelers, its location alone is a red flag. For more
than 25 years, news from the region has been a relentless stream of violence
and despair, even after the country managed to cobble together a (<a href="http://ichef.bbci.co.uk/news/560/media/images/82552000/gif/_82552397_somalia_control_624_v3.gif" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">laughable</span></a>) central
government in 2012 after 22 years of statelessness and civil war. Yet major
southern Somali cities like Mogadishu, Kismayo, and even the de facto federal
capital of Baidoa are all a little too rough around the edges for tourism. But
the story of Hargeisa is different from the rest of Somalia. It’s the capital
of a self-declared independent state (<a href="http://csis.org/story/why-united-states-should-recognize-somaliland%E2%80%99s-independence" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">unrecognized</span></a>) called
Somaliland, formed when the historic colony of British Somaliland merged with
Italian Somaliland in 1960. Somaliland started to pull away from Mogadishu in
the 1980s, so when the Somali government collapsed in 1991, local ‘Lander’
leaders quickly moved to quell violence within their borders, declaring
independence and forming a new government that has presided over a relatively
peaceful two decades. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A Somaliland Member of Parliament relaxes at a restaurant in
Hargeisa. Photo: Mark Hay </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Bad things <i>have</i> happened in
Hargeisa—just rarely, and not recently.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
Somaliland sometimes skirmishes over its eastern provinces, known as Sool,
Sanaag, and Cayn, with neighboring semi-independent Puntland. <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2008/10/2008102993331438553.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">In 2008</span></a>, terrorists managed
to bomb the presidential palace and an Ethiopian diplomatic outpost in
Hargeisa. But Somaliland officials, desperate to prove their mettle to the
international community and achieve global recognition as an independent state,
have ensured that major cities maintain order (if not always law), succeeding
well enough that Hargeisa, and cities such as Berbera, Borama, and Burco, have
functional police forces and streets you can walk on unarmed–even at night–and
safe enough to have some fun.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Getting around is easy. </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In the 1980s, Hargeisa, seeking self-determination, was
bombed to bits by Somalia’s longstanding military dictator, Siad Barre. Its
streets are still mostly dirt. And the rebuilding city is evolving so quickly
that maps can’t keep up. With an estimated population of 1.2 million, over
eight times the city’s population in the 1970s, you’d think it would be easy to
get lost in this expansive, dust-choked urban labyrinth. But it’s not, thanks
to the numerous and cheap taxis and buses that work their way around town. It’s
not even all informal: taxis are marked and metered, and buses are regular. If
you stand still for five minutes, some form of transit will roll by with
someone in the driver’s seat or passenger area who understands just enough
English to get you where you need to go. </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Ambassador and the Maan-Soor
aren’t the only hotels in town.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
Aside from a handful of intrepid backpackers, most of the people who come to
Hargeisa are academics, aid workers, <a href="http://blogs.cfr.org/campbell/2015/01/15/somalia-ready-for-oil-exploration/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">industrial oil prospectors</span></a>,
and a <a href="http://www.somalilandfoundation.com/home/?p=1199" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">large cadre of Turkish developers</span></a> looking to
spread their nation’s soft power throughout Africa. For the sake of security
and amenities most of these folks stay in one of two hotels. The Maan-Soor, on
the northwestern fringe of town, offers a blast wall, permanent armed guard,
and attentive staff often for long-term or returning foreign guests; the
Ambassador offers much the same on the south side of town near the airport,
convenient for short-term functions and conferences. Both pop up as the top
options in town for all travelers, and both are insular and Western. Although
you’re unlikely to find them easily, there are other options. Many hotels in
the heart of Hargeisa are perfectly safe, well stocked with resources, and
trafficked by much more colorful and diverse characters (who will gladly mingle
with you in this more relaxed atmosphere). The staff are a little more mellow
and can help you arrange anything you might need, from SIM cards to trips into
the countryside, all on the cheap. I’m personally quite fond of the Oriental
Hotel, which is just blocks from Hargeisa’s main drag and <a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/breakfast/in-praise-of-porridge/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">serves a mean porridge</span></a>. </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This city is wired up.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> The birth of a <a href="http://www.budde.com.au/Research/Somalia-Telecoms-Mobile-and-Broadband-Statistics-and-Analyses.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">thriving telecoms industry</span></a>
has been one of the few universally reported success stories out of modern
Somalia. In this free market, entrepreneurs have flooded the country with cheap
cellphones, offering some of the lowest data and international call rates in
the world, with pretty strong signal even in rural areas. They’ve even managed
to jigger their way into internet connections, often via cooperation with firms
in neighboring Djibouti and Ethiopia, which are strong enough to support most
downloads and streaming. (I streamed the first season of <i>Orange Is The New
Black</i> from a Hargeisa hotel room over the course of a few dull Ramadan
days.) Combined with fairly lax browsing restraints, this is a perfect recipe
for international connectivity and entertainment in an otherwise remote part of
the world. </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Almost every market is a grey
market.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Local entrepreneurs are bright, and
probably more resourceful than many guys on the Google Bus. But they’re still
operating in an unrecognized region, under a local regime that’s mostly
disconnected from global financial institutions, leaves postal operations to
DHL, and has minimal international business leverage. It only follows that a
lot of goods in the market came literally came off the back of a truck and were
paid for under the table in cash. The computers at that Internet café are riddled
with viruses. The batteries in that market will run dry within the space of a
few hours. That jacket is just one cleverly disguised long thread, waiting to
unravel cartoonishly as soon as it meets an attractive snag. And none of this
junk is even that cheap, thanks to “irregular shipping practices.” Really, if
you need consumer goods in Hargeisa, just bring them along.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">One of
Hargeisa's outdoor markets. Photo by: Mark Hay </span>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Bring cash.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Preferably a stack of cold, hard, American dollars. The
nation is not hooked into the global financial system in any meaningful way.
Cash services are shaping up in Hargeisa, which has just started to launch a
series of traditional bank branches and reportedly launched its first <a href="http://somalilandsun.com/index.php/economic/5158-somaliland-salaam-financials-facilitates-local-servicing-of-international-credit-cards-" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">two ATMs in 2014</span></a>. But you
still can’t rely on these young banks and ATMs for all your financial needs.
Also, Hargeisa will try to milk a little money from you as soon as you touch
down, charging entry, exit, and security fees at border control, often forcing
you to change some dollars to shillings upon entry as well. </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ignore the Somaliland Shilling.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> The Somaliland Shilling hovers around S$7,000 to $1, uses
tiny notes that max out at S$5,000, and exchanges at negotiable and uneven
rates from roadside vendor to roadside vendor. Most financial services take a
cut out of your cash. Everyone takes USD as a valid alternative currency. A
pocketful of Shillings is useful mainly for small change and cheap street
vendor items such as bottled water or a candy bar. However, dollars are so
coveted that locals are loath to make change in US currency, opting to pay you
back in Shillings instead.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There are a few financial services
that you can use.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> If you’re dead set against carrying
a big wad of cash around, you can make use of Somaliland’s two financial
services: <a href="http://magazine.good.is/features/can-a-family-business-save-somalia-s-economy" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">Dahabshiil</span></a> and <a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/2013/mobile-money-in-a-dusty-land/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">Zaad</span></a>. The first is a local
money wiring system (and a cornerstone of the regional remittance economy), by
which you can cheaply send dollars to Hargeisa and store them in secure and
well-respected locations. The second is a mobile money system that allows you
to send ethereal cash to most vendors, even street side shacks and rural folks,
who’re hipper to currency digitization than most major American retailers,
meaning that you might actually have an easier cash-free, non-credit shopping
experience in Hargeisa than at home. But, as with any service, you’ll lose a
little cash off the top and it adds steps between you and your dinner. </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Mind the hidden social tensions.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Although Hargeisa epitomizes Somali optimism, the commerce
and conviviality can mask long-standing divisions. Somaliland, like the rest of
Somalia, is predominantly Sunni Muslim, but local Somalilanders are split along
still-relevant clan lines, often accusing each other of clan favoritism and
power monopolies. All of the locals together often resent southern Somali
immigrants who they see as honing in on the success of the region. Both of
these groups marginalize the hell out of a <a href="http://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/study-minorities-somalia" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">series of minority communities</span></a>,
historically held down in an indigenous racial quasi-caste system and rapidly <a href="http://www.vice.com/read/minorities-and-migrants-are-fighting-for-last-place-in-somaliland" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">losing their hold</span></a> even on
their traditional jobs. And all of these parties throw a little shade at
returnees from the diaspora, cast as outsiders getting too big for their boots.
And across the board, people tend to ignore the refugee populations, mostly
Ethiopians and Yemenis fleeing poverty or violence and stuck in the region with
nowhere else to go. These tensions won’t affect your trip, but it’s good to
keep them in mind to avoid needlessly stepping on some sensitive toes and
stoking social issues. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A barber and member of the the Gaboye community, a
marginalized group in Somaliland. Being a barber is a traditional but
threatened Gaboye caste job.</span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLNVEqR941kHEH_6XeLviksUZyIBcfjSF3PM0VIZDqm9Ezqf1jYyFast5QaC2Zjv96dDPGOhgo140gKR1uaYu3qrxyFNd2NOWniD2DLyRN-B2d7k3COaDx-wIe0n7vh2weNlGgcm-Wn1S9/s1600/Gaboye-Close.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLNVEqR941kHEH_6XeLviksUZyIBcfjSF3PM0VIZDqm9Ezqf1jYyFast5QaC2Zjv96dDPGOhgo140gKR1uaYu3qrxyFNd2NOWniD2DLyRN-B2d7k3COaDx-wIe0n7vh2weNlGgcm-Wn1S9/s320/Gaboye-Close.jpg" width="239" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Photo: Mark Hay</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Sit down, shut up, and eat your camel.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Although many restaurants are opening up serving Western,
Yemeni, Middle Eastern, and Ethiopian fare, much of what’s on offer for cheap
is local Somali food – which is not too diverse. I could warn you about the
sickly saccharine breakfast <i><a href="http://www.mysomalifood.com/lahooh-spongy-pancake-like-bread/"><span style="color: blue;">laxoox</span></a></i>, the fact that you’ll need to master
eating loose rice with your hands, or the shocking monotony of the coastal
region’s diet. But the most important thing I can warn you about here is this:
You’re going to eat a metric shit-ton of gamey, tough, and greasy camel meat. <a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/2013/how-do-you-like-your-camel-meat/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">Camels are legion in Somaliland</span></a>.
Somalia as a whole is home to half of the world’s 14 million camels, and arid
Somaliland is their ideal environment — so they’re one of the easiest and
cheapest sources of meat at roadside stands. Camel meat is not tender. You’ll
also eat a fair share of camel’s hump, which is a spongy, fatty tissue,
resistant to all mastication, as well. This is a valuable commodity and
offering it is a kind gesture, so don’t turn it down. And if you happen to have
to drink the milk, know that it is truly foul, but muscle through the
experience by repeating this mantra: <i><a href="https://au.news.yahoo.com/sunday-night/features/a/25468433/i-drank-camel-milk-for-a-month-heres-what-happened/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">This is very healthy milk</span></a>.
This is very healthy milk. This is very healthy milk.</i></span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgGOUhn7TW-6cLDwBezz2blK-X2lH1tyFd9BajLX4lhEfuNW_Xmys1SVVOlSL_ZiOrvqrGdbtPrjrb3c1q6dBQAOcaHGfqzVzyGi2JG3neI9e6HpLkkLgAZPC-Z_7esaWNDUcublyUcG19E/s1600/CAMEL1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgGOUhn7TW-6cLDwBezz2blK-X2lH1tyFd9BajLX4lhEfuNW_Xmys1SVVOlSL_ZiOrvqrGdbtPrjrb3c1q6dBQAOcaHGfqzVzyGi2JG3neI9e6HpLkkLgAZPC-Z_7esaWNDUcublyUcG19E/s320/CAMEL1.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Camel meat
Photo by: Mark Hay </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">You’ll get a minder whether you want
one or not.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Ever wary of the bad press a dead
or missing foreigner would bring to their independence movement, whenever you
leave Hargeisa the government requires you to pay for a dude in fatigues with a
questionably functional Kalashnikov to accompany you. Usually they’ll try to
get you to use a private car service as well, so most day trips outside
Hargeisa can cost an arm and a leg—all in the name of making absolutely sure
you don’t lose an arm and a leg. But trips to Berbera and Laas Geel, on
well-secured and trafficked roads, are usually exempt from this requirement, so
they’re your best bets to freely visit the hinterland. </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0PHzvuhV53xEq1tyozFIUzK7FSR0Sf71-YCrCIJrEbjIcxjmb57s3dsAs1RHetB73e2UqP2OVg-o0AqwW3k_nhuQljUe2NOJRBwROC0VMz-NKkHpgSQcDZOPb_RGizb1fP1-WwteU2vY7/s1600/Las-Geel-Looking-out-at-Wadi.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0PHzvuhV53xEq1tyozFIUzK7FSR0Sf71-YCrCIJrEbjIcxjmb57s3dsAs1RHetB73e2UqP2OVg-o0AqwW3k_nhuQljUe2NOJRBwROC0VMz-NKkHpgSQcDZOPb_RGizb1fP1-WwteU2vY7/s320/Las-Geel-Looking-out-at-Wadi.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhm3asxy5dW2nXmTsTK583eR5mLOP9TkOfl-4mKOLARHEIxxZlUnY7WkRxdNmZpU_d_vJm5Rpb6tDSl5ATcruZ3r3By9_AOCjeFZUhEC2wTwH0FhMkeoyKtXocsMhlBAYJ3fnMmVXiEpwnN/s1600/Las-Geel-Shelter-Side1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">From the
caves of Las Geel, looking out at the wadi. Las Geel is a trip visitors can
make without a minder. Photo by: Mark Hay </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A day trip to Las Geel is
quasi-mandatory.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Though some people come to
Somaliland as misguided war tourists or to check off Somalia on their world
travel map, most come to understand a region often presented as impoverished
and pitiful. This latter group will usually be content checking out the <a href="http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/roads/2013/09/somaliland_s_camel_market_could_camel_meat_be_this_unrecognized_nation_s.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">local camel market</span></a>,
grabbing tea at a roadside shack, and spending nights chilling with a few
locals chewing <i>khat</i> and shooting the shit. But that doesn’t mean there’s
nothing touristy to do around the city, and probably the best option is a quick
day trip (about four or five hours in total) to Laas Geel. Long known to locals
but only documented by French archaeologists in 2002, <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/may/1/ancient-art-in-diplomatic-limbo/?page=all" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">Laas Geel</span></a> is a rough rock
outcropping in the middle of the desert, which displays some of Africa’s oldest
and best-preserved rock art–some parts dating back to 9,000 B.C.E.–which are a
big point of national pride. They’re not the country’s only historical sites,
but other rock art masterpieces are in the restive Sanaag, and ruins at Abaasa,
Amud, and Zeila are inaccessible, looted beyond repair, or just poorly
maintained. Laas Geel is the best option for tourism. </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLIld2P2OThHu6YALA_b2WhH1lBnEw2SnRABdzjT10ItNGx3BafAmeuSIWV8gJt_KfO3VU-J8-Kcwxl4GAgiJpm5GuDlJtSE7wTnThmkAaz5NO8ONdyZqnuh2zu6l2hrMqL1ycZrXMN3gN/s1600/Las-Geel-Shelter-Side1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLIld2P2OThHu6YALA_b2WhH1lBnEw2SnRABdzjT10ItNGx3BafAmeuSIWV8gJt_KfO3VU-J8-Kcwxl4GAgiJpm5GuDlJtSE7wTnThmkAaz5NO8ONdyZqnuh2zu6l2hrMqL1ycZrXMN3gN/s320/Las-Geel-Shelter-Side1.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Rock art at Las Geel. Photo: Mark Hay</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The beach at Berbera is overrated,
but you should still go.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Berbera is
a once-significant Red Sea port trying to regain its relevance and become an
engine of growth. Aspirations to develop the port have granted it one of the
nation’s best roads (to and from Hargeisa), a route sufficiently fast and
well-traveled that the government usually waives its minder requirement. Most
tourists try to make the trip for the pristine beaches, maybe go snorkeling
with the aid of the local Maan-Soor branch, and chow down on some local
fish—which is more than enough to make most visitors happy. But the place is a
furnace, pushing highs of 110° F all summer with equally absurd humidity
levels. As with any travel beyond Hargeisa, the price to simultaneously bake
and stew in sand are higher than you might expect – or think reasonable. But
the chance to see a bit more of the country on your own for a day is still
worth it. </span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hargeisa is more than just a staging
point. </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The city lacks for landmarks. The
best it has to offer is a downed MiG-17 fighter jet, a monument to when the
regime in Mogadishu carpet-bombed Hargeisa in 1988 during Somaliland’s independence
bids. There are theatres or clubs, and minimal entertainment and nightlife.
Sometimes it can seem like the only thing to do is drink tea or chew the mild
narcotic <i>khat</i>. But every year, more and more Somalis return to the city
from the diaspora, eager to revitalize Somaliland and bring with them new
developments. In the evenings, the streets and restaurants are hopping with
people meeting and greeting, chatting and dealing, often in English as well as
Somali, because some have returned from America and Europe. It’s a vibrant
crush of culture and exchange. And during the days, there are even a few cool
new sporting teams—acrobats and martial artists—holding low-key public
exhibitions, which are striking to see on the dusty red streets. Hargeisa might
not have the most institutional fun on tap. But you can still have a good
time—and simultaneously challenge your media-soaked preconceptions about a
region, which is more than you can ask from most vacation spots in the world. </span></div>
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghux9SeboR9V7Tv2jH3UlTNbm5kZgcd386kVBu_9-KlgAFGWKQeSRm127W29DEvo8mcKvmejOSktUI9snlGxSUwVXaPUbII3H1TdF8rQK-Comrjufvt47owQAk1cF2lL9Wt8iMHBQWpaww/s1600/Mark-Hay_avatar-183x183.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghux9SeboR9V7Tv2jH3UlTNbm5kZgcd386kVBu_9-KlgAFGWKQeSRm127W29DEvo8mcKvmejOSktUI9snlGxSUwVXaPUbII3H1TdF8rQK-Comrjufvt47owQAk1cF2lL9Wt8iMHBQWpaww/s1600/Mark-Hay_avatar-183x183.jpg" /></a></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="mso-ignore: vglayout;"><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/author/mhay/"><br /></a></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/author/mhay/"><span style="color: black;">Mark
Hay</span></a> is a freelance writer based out of Brooklyn, N.Y. An incessant
carnivore with a special love for organ meat, he jumps at the chance to go on
any and every culinary adventure possible. You can find his writings on food
and everything else regularly in GOOD, Modern Notion, and VICE—and irregularly
all over the place.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/2015/15-things-to-know-before-you-go-to-hargeisa/#top"><span style="color: blue;"><br /></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/"><span style="color: blue;"></span></a><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/feed/"><span style="color: blue;"><br /></span></a></span></div>
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-30822450614530693622015-10-01T08:46:00.000-07:002015-10-01T08:46:49.091-07:00The Militant Intellection Complex… a Conversation with Pius Adesanm<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<strong>AFRICAN WRITING: </strong>In your ‘day job’, you teach in a Canadian
University, but you are also a widely-published commentator on Africana. You
don’t believe in the need for distance in the practice of academia, then? <br />
<strong>Pius Adesanmi:</strong> Thank you for your question. I am a public
intellectual and a chronicler of Africa. I have wholly embraced that vocation
with its generous hassles and miserly joys. The condition of Nigeria and Africa
today are too desperate for me to find any joy or personal satisfaction in
producing exclusive literary-theoretical jargons that could only be understood
by colleagues and advanced doctoral students.<br />
And, no, I do not believe in the need for discursive boundaries between town
and gown. My philosophy of intellection and knowledge production has been
shaped over the years by a very broad range of populist (I hope one can still
use that term in a non-pejorative sense today) traditions. The writer and
public intellectual that I am today were shaped by all the big isms of the
political and ideological Left even with all their warts. I strive constantly
to hone an intellectual praxis marked by its embeddedness in the social, an
underlying immersion in volk consciousness, a rootedness in the idioms of the
street, and a permanent suspicion of power that cannot in anyway be cocooned in
academia. I am just too restless for the epistemic isolation that is academe. <br />
And don’t forget that I am also a product and student of the French
tradition of public intellection. If you look closely at 19th and 20th century
France, especially roughly from Emile Zola’s “J’accuse” down to our times, the
ideas that powered and inflected society did not come as a result of the likes
of Jean-Paul Sartre, Pierre Bourdieu, Andre Breton, Raymond Aron, Louis
Althusser, Pierre Fougeyrollas, Michel Foucault, Alain Finkiekrault, and
Bernard-Henri Lévy merely sitting down to philosophize from the hallowed halls
of the Sorbonne or the Ecole Normale Supérieure. Many of these thinkers were or
are also agitators, columnists, anarchists, and animators of the public sphere.
Anything you could do to keep power on its toes and prevent complacency on the
part of the people was welcome. <br />
At the risk of boring you, let me remind you that public intellection is
also not a new thing in Africa. The only new dimension is the increasing
appropriation of the internet as a space of public intellection as we see, for
instance, in the very visible listserv praxis of Nigeria’s Mobolaji Aluko, a
Professor of Chemical Engineering with a public intellectual vocation
underwritten by social and political justice concerns. Other than this new
online dimension, the field of African public intellection has been very rich
since the upsurge in continental production of discourse and knowledges in
European languages began in the 20th century. In no particular order, the likes
of Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe, Odia Ofeimun, Edwin Madunagu, Ayodele Awojobi,
Bala Usman, Eskor Toyo, Niyi Osundare, Biodun Jeyifo and so many others have
contributed enormously to blurring the boundaries between town and gown in
terms of activism and essayistic interventions. South Africa, Kenya, Congo, Uganda,
Malawi, Cameroon, and Zimbabwe have all given us the likes of Archie Mafeje,
Bernard Magubane, Eski’a Mpahlele, Ali Mazrui, Paul Tiyambe Zeleza, Florence
Wambugu, Mahmood Mamdani, Achille Mbembe, Lovemore Madhuku, John Makumbe, and
Ernest Wambia dia Wambia just to limit myself to those. I like to flatter
myself by believing that I am qualified to be called a devoted student of these
illustrious practitioners of African public intellection.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Dr. Laurent Gbagbo (President of Cote d’Ivoire) is another ‘public
Intellectual’. What is your advice to him at this point of his country’s
political history?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: Dr. Laurent Gbagbo was a public intellectual.
Today, he gives a bad name to the very essence of public intellection. He is
one of those fellows who just make one wonder if one isn’t pouring water in a
basket in terms of our collective struggle to articulate and push better
narratives of Africa. Everywhere I go in the lecture circuit, people say: do
not pathologize Africa; cherry pick positive stories about Africa for western
audiences; Africa has no monopoly of negative narratives. The trouble is: a
single Gbabgo destroys in one second years of positive image casting by those
of us struggling to re-narrativize that continent. I feel somewhat personally
assaulted by the Gbagbo tragedy because I am as Francophone as I am Anglophone.
I’ve been following Gbagbo for a very long time. It’s sad to see what he has
become.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Africa has a long history of liberators who are too easily satisfied by the
liberation of their own wallets. The first wave that brought independence to
the former colonies chose not to break down the power structure of the
colonists and simply inserted — and entrenched — themselves in it. Our
post-independence history has roughly followed that template, of opposition
leaders that become worse than the ‘dictators’ they oust. You speak of a
‘permanent suspicion of power’ that cannot be cocooned in academia. Have
African ‘public intellectuals’ who cross the political divide fared any better?
Are our centres of intellection actually liberating minds, or generating the
ideas to truly liberate their societies? Or are they just vehicles to catapult
an intellectual elite into the casinos of power.<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: ‘Liberators’ is a very huge basket into which I
assume you have dumped a very broad range of actors in the continent’s
liberatory processes: nationalist politicians, trade unionists, student
unionists, youth unionists, creative writers of the Negritudinist and
cultural-nationalist dimension and, of course, academics and public
intellectuals. I am offering this disentanglement just to get a proper handle
on your question. I think you are also super-imposing the typical Nigerian
scenario of cross-over intellection on the whole of Africa. It is true that
more than thirty years of military rule and corrupt civilian interregnums have
eventuated in a corrosion of values of which the co-optation of the
intellectual by the state has been a manifest consequence in Nigeria but that
is not always the case with the rest of Africa. <br />
I prefer the template of one of Demoractic Republic of Congo’s foremost
public intellectuals, Ernest Wambia dia Wambia. I am sure you know that he
studied in the United States and wrote a formidable doctoral dissertation on
Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Jean-Paul Sartre before settling down to an eclectic
academic career that saw him eventually teach at Harvard University before
moving to the University of Dar-es-Salaam. By the 1980s, he had become one of
Africa’s famous and influential public intellectuals and got into trouble often
with Mobutu Sese Seko. I am sure you know that he went to the trenches during
the second Congo war against Laurent Kabila and became a leader of the rebel
movement, Rally for Congolese Democracy. Yes, a famous African public intellectual
quit the University and picked up a Kalachnikov against Laurent Kabila in the
1990s. That story is not very well known in Anglophone Africa because of the
iron curtain of language but it happened and I daresay that it is far more
gripping than our own narrative of a young writer who held up a radio station
three decades ago while trying to defend the ethos of democratic practice in
Nigeria. This is not to diminish Soyinka’s truly heroic act. Today, Ernest
Wambia dia Wambia is a progressive Senator in DRC and still one of the most
active and prominent names in Africanist academic and political discourse
circles. That is a kind of African public intellectual trajectory that has been
overshadowed by the Nigerian model of collaboration with the corrupt postcolonial
state in Abuja. We must be careful, however, not to pathologize the Nigerian
model. After all, there were intellectuals who collaborated with the Vichy
regime in France.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
We refer mainly to that broad clique who find themselves in power, or with
access to the spoils of power.<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: That is true — especially in Nigeria where the
state has been able to ruin the names and reputation of too many of our public
intellectuals but like I just pointed out in the case of Wambia dia Wambia,
collaboration with power has not been the only destiny of public intellection
in Africa and Nigeria. Part of the problem here is that your question assumes,
as it is often frequently done, that the work of the public intellectual must
always eventuate in concrete, benchmarkable results in terms of the advancement
and liberation of society. Sometimes history dictates otherwise by
interpellating them just to produce ideas and permanently disrupt the settled
verities of those in power. When Octavio Paz says that thinking is the only
obligation of the intelligentsia, he makes a lot of sense to me. Thinking is
really the only debt that the public intellectual owes his society. Thinking is
what I believe I owe Nigeria and Africa.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Do you really subscribe to Octavio Paz? Do you not see a crisis of imagination
in Presidential Houses across Africa? An abundance of people with power who
don’t know what to do with it? Is there not a place for Think Tanks that
actually bend their minds to concrete policy? Can African taxpayers afford the
luxury of ‘abstract thinkers’?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: Octavio Paz was not just talking about abstract
thought. He was talking about intellection tout court. That said, abstract
thought and concrete policy intellection are not mutually exclusive. Those
producing policy papers in American thinktanks do not operate ex nihilo. They
are coming from the abstract thought that has either framed philosophies of the
Left or the Right depending on their respective political persuasions. In the
USA, all the lunatic rightwing public policy papers and recommendations churned
out by equally lunatic rightwing thinktanks in Washington, and which served as
the springboard for so many policies of the Bush-Cheney junta, are traceable to
the abstract thought of the Chicago School of economics and the towering
artifice of its singular messiah, the late Milton Friedman. That is the man
whose abstract thought and vision informs the worldview of the racists in the
American right — those crazy neocons and tea partyers. In essence, there is no
such thing as policy intellection shorn of philosophical roots in abstraction.
There are in fact two immediate dangers in the perspective of your question.
One is the danger associated with the oft-repeated fallacy that the situation
in Africa is too dire for abstraction. When that mode of reflection is
translated into the lingo of the street in, say, Nigeria, it eventuates in
certain national attitudes to intellection. Hence, politicians and even the
general public begin to dismiss any sustained and rigorous intellection as
dogon turenchi or big English. The rise of illiteracy in Nigeria and the
generalized hostility to knowledge is remotely linked to the hostility to
abstract thought. Otherwise informed Nigerians then go online to make
thoroughly illiterate statements asking for more action and less grammar. <br />
The second danger lies in the fact that apathy towards abstract intellection
and ideas all over Africa means that the intellectuals who tend to coalesce
around the islets of power to produce the concrete policy papers you are
talking about would be coming from ideological backgrounds that are inimical to
the interests of the African/Nigerian people. Do you think that Olusegun
Aganga, Charles Soludo, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Yayi Boni, Alassane Ouattara, and
others in their Bretton Woods ilk come from a concrete policy background shorn
of abstract thought rooted in specific ideologies? Of course not. They are all
products of all kinds of neo-liberal imperialist abstractions acquired in the
context of American thinktanks and institutions. What we need more in Africa is
precisely the sort of rigorous primary abstract thought that could be at the
base of the ideological impulses of the second layer of policy intellection
that susbsequently lands at the table of the minister or the president.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Do you see any signs that this Ideological Thinking Rooted in African interests
and realities is going on? Or is Africanist Thought still client to
SinoEuroAmerica. Won’t you admit that much of our intellection amounts to
intellectual masturbation where our so-called intellectual elite fail to apply
their abilities to actual solutions.<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: Sure, you do have a point about the preponderance
of intellectual masturbation and the evident failure of intellection in the
area of concrete solutions. But I see that as a symptom of much deeper problems
in Nigeria associated with the corrosive effects of the prolonged years of
democratic stagnation on national values. I have been to conferences — academic
conferences — in Africa where the government would send ministers to attend
sessions and take notes and mingle with intellectuals and even invite those
intellectuals to their respective ministries for post-conference dialogue with
their staff. This happens a lot in Southern Africa. Now, can you imagine a
minister in Nigeria attending an academic conference as an ordinary participant
who is going to attend every session and take notes? Unless you invite him to
come and disturb the opening ceremony with his flamboyant convoy and sirens two
or three hours late, he won’t attend. This, over the years, has led to a
devaluation of intellectual production in Nigeria. There are also African
countries where I have noticed that governments give specific developmental
briefs to Universities and ask them to produce thought. That adds value to
intellectual labour and creates an outlet for thought to be translated into
beneficial societal products.<br />
That does not happen in Nigeria because the government is still fighting the
war that the military declared on the University even more than a decade after
the restoration of democracy. That explains why Governor Bukola Saraki of Kwara
State and his colleagues in the Nigerian Governors’ Forum instinctively opted
for Harvard University when they dreamt up a project of capacity training for
Nigerian governors. It was unimaginable for them to team up with a Nigerian
University. But I see signs of change, especially in southwestern Nigeria with
the Yoruba Academy trying to serve as a bridge between intellectuals and state
governments in that part of the country. New generation intellectuals like
Diipo Famakinwa, Wale Adebanwi, Yinka Odumakin, and Sola Olorunyomi are all
gearing up to ensure a connection between intellect and governance in
southwestern Nigeria on the platform of the Yoruba Academy. To return to the
initial frame of your question: ideological thought rooted in African interests
is going on powerlessly in many places in Africa. I say powerlessly because to
try to produce that kind of intellection independently of western power
structures is to begin with a great disadvantage in Africa. But those who are
resolute are trudging on. An interesting body of work has been emerging from
Ayi kwei Armah’s Per Ankh Collective in Dakar. This body of work is the sort
that travels in the direction of ancient African societies and knowledge
systems for abstraction and not in the direction of the West.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Speaking about intellectuals and public policy, are you a Dead-Aider? Dambisa
Moyo’s controversial book [Dead Aid: Why Aid is Not Working and How there is a
Better Way for Africa] preaches Trade, not Aid (to grossly oversimplify a
complex subject). Where do you stand on the subject?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: Moyo is precisely a good example of an Africa
public policy commentator coming from the sort of Western neo-Liberal knowledge
systems that I have been analyzing here. I am not exactly sure that her attempt
to break away from what she was taught in those places has worked.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Can I pin you down on where you believe she is in error?<br />
Adesanmi: How do you preach trade in conditions of gross global inequality?
What power does Cote d’Ivoire have over the price of her cocoa? Can you stop
the US from granting those subsidies to her own farmers and thereby creating a
non-level playing field between her own farmers and Latin/Central American
farmers? Can you subject trade to the goodwill of the buyer — especially if
that buyer is a capitalist West? “Trade, not aid” is a convenient platitude
that has no future in the more realistic global capitalist world that we
encounter in the works of Naomi Klein. And who says that aid is always
inimical? Israel is one of the world’s biggest aid recipients.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
But is the current Aid regime not analogous to AIDS in the sense of breaking
down Africa’s auto-generative capabilities?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: I am more opposed to charity than I am to aid. I
have constantly written against charity as an offshoot of a formidable Mercy
Industrial Complex<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
What is the difference between ‘aid’ and ‘charity’. Do you believe that
one-off, no-strings-attached grants are more inimical than the various ‘aid’
packages linked with procurement and repayment conditionalities?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: The layman’s distinction that I make between the
two is purely idiosyncratic and may not meet with the approval of development
experts and expats but when have I ever taken those fellas seriously? I have
always seen aid as transactions between states and public world bodies (the UN,
the European Union, Africa Union) that allow for a structured and supervised
trickle down of a fragment of the global North’s surplus to the global South in
order to ensure that the state in the global South maintains its comprador
essence while the state in the global North continues to supervise neocolonial
asymmetries with a squeaky-clean conscience. <br />
Charity on the other hand is when guilt-ridden Westerners pushed by a messianic
complex and convinced of their essential Christian goodness, decide to do
something about the hunger and the diseases of the Other in the global South.
Once the Westerner self-fashions in this manner, there are options open to him.
He puts money in an envelope meant for charity as part of Sunday offertory in
his church; he dumps a can of tomato soup or a pack of Uncle Ben’s rice in
those ubiquitous charity baskets in schools, shopping malls, hospitals. Beyond
this level, it becomes more structured because non-state, non-governmental
agents and structures takeover: Oxfam, médecins sans frontières, Save the
Children, Save Africa, Adopt a Child, Save this, Save that. These agents and
structures, in turn, appeal to western celebrity culture. Enter Bono, Angelina
Jolie, Madonna, George Clooney, Oprah. Enter restless celebrity-academics like
Jeffrey Sachs. Enter specific African countries that permanently appeal to the
proclivities of this Mercy Industrial Complex: Malawi, Mali, Chad, Sudan, South
Africa (the part of it that is ‘Africa’), the Congos, Kenya. Enter very
specific registers that go into how the targets of the Mercy Industrial Complex
are narrativized: mosquito nets, malaria, wells, boreholes, protein deficiency,
hygiene, handwashing practices. This, of course, means charity jobs that are
advertised in very interesting ways by these actors. An Australian charity
organization was recently looking to hire a hand washing specialist!<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Just what do you refer to as the ‘Mercy Industrial Complex’? <br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: I thought I already sketched out the basics of
how the Mercy Industrial Complex functions. If you look at the foundational
expression of which my own formulation is but a claque, the Military-Industrial
Complex, you will notice a recurrence of diction and registers all leading to
the same psychology: essential goodness. Hence we have a defence industry in
the United States that must corrupt Congress and the Executive in order to
ensure that unheard-of percentages of America’s national budget continue to
flow to the arms sector; hence we have politicians who must find value for all
the money they pump into that sector by trying to put American military bases
in every country in the world if possible; hence we have an electorate that
fetishizes “our men and women in Uniform” and a clergy that prays for them when
they go out to bomb thousands of people in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan in the
service of the Military-Industrial Complex. <br />
All this is powered by a certain national sentiment: we are too essentially
a good people to allow the rest of the world escape the privilege of our values.
We should bomb those values into them whenever necessary. You will see that
attitude to the rest of the world even in the way American diplomats discourse
the rest of us in the Wikileaks cables. Not even Britain, their traditional
Chihuahua, escaped all that condescension. The same mode of self-fashioning
powers the Mercy-Industrial Complex albeit with different actors. Mercy, a
narrative of the self’s essential goodness, has become this gigantic industry
that involves all the actors listed above — charity organizations, churches,
NGOs, celebrities, all using the media to reach the hearts and pockets of
westerners already afflicted by the messiah complex. This in turn spins
dramatic scenarios on the ground when these people go to donate their cookies
and hamburgers in Darfur. And there is of course always the photographer on the
lookout for that shot that just might win a Pulitzer Prize.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Your language skills include French and English, which equips you to negotiate
your way through most African cities. Is this the most Pan-African step our
educational systems can take? Or is it more beneficial for African pupils to
learn to write and speak an indigenous African language in addition to their
great European language? <br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: I assume that by our educational systems you are
talking exclusively about the continent. Language is not the most pan-African
step our educational systems in Africa can or should take. It should begin by
enhancing processes of African co-presence in University classrooms throughout
the continent. African Universities have more exchange agreements with European
and North American Universities than they have with fellow African
Universities. My school, Carleton University, alone has agreements with
Universities in Ghana, Tanzania, Botswana, and South Africa, and we are casting
our net wider in the continent. The inflatus for this is obvious: the sentiment
that such agreements open up opportunities for those African Universities to
benefit from the superior resources of Western Universities. What does this
translate to? Western African studies classrooms have become considerably more
holistically pan-African than any classroom could ever hope to be in the
continent. <br />
Let me give you an example. I teach one of our core introduction to African
studies courses at the undergraduate level. Enrollment is always between
100-160 students every semester. The first time I taught that class, about
eighty of those kids were from more than 30 African countries as I later found
out. That is a single Canadian University assembling students from more than
half of the continent in just one classroom. No University in the continent,
not even South African Universities, is currently in the position to do that.
African Universities need to constantly work on how to enhance continental
capacity for such mutual co-presence in the class room. That must, of course
work, in tandem with the need to constantly break down the iron curtain of
language. I have for instance constantly written about the impact of the
language barrier on African literary discourse. The other day, Olu Oguibe was
complaining on Facebook that the younger generation of Nigerian literati didn’t
know who Mario Vargas Llosa was after the 2010 Nobel was announced. <br />
That is a small problem compared with the appalling knowledge of the
francophonic half of the African literary process in Nigerian discussions.
There is so much Anglophonic provincialism going on in places like Krazitivity,
Ederi, and other outlets of Nigerian literary discourse. People jump up in
those places and make authoritative and sweeping statements about African
writing: statements that are not valid once you cross the border to Cotonou
from Lagos. You would think that the likes of Calixthe Beyala, Alain Mabackou,
Kossi Effoui, Bessora, Fatou Diome, Marie Ndiaye, Nathalie Etoke, Leonora
Miano, Alain Patrice Nganang, Yodi Karone, Simon Njami, Gaston-Paul Effa, J.R.
Essomba, and my very good friend, Abdourahman Ali Waberi, never wrote anything
in African literature. Of course, the francophone clan is also guilty of this
provincialism. As far as I know, only the likes of Waberi and Alain Patrice
Nganang regularly display any awareness of the fact that they have counterparts
in Uwem Akpan, Chris Abani, Helon Habila, Chimamanda Adichie, Lola Shoneyin,
Chika Unigwe, Unoma Azuah, Ogaga Ifowodo, Amatoristero Ede, and Remi Raji. If
you ask me, the situation was not like this with the Soyinka-Achebe-J.P. Clark
generation. <br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
T.S. Eliot’s poem, The Journey of the Magi, has these lines, that have also
inspired the title of one of Chinua Achebe’s novels: ‘We returned to our
places, these Kingdoms,/ But no longer at ease here, in the old dispensation,/
With an alien people clutching their gods/ I should be glad of another death’.
Is religious zealotry becoming more of a life and death question on the
continent? What options?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: For Africa, the poem should read autochthonous
people clutching alien gods. I have been a very close observer of the wind of
Pentecostalism blowing over the continent. Commentators always reach for the
easy Marxian cliché of religion being the opium of the people but I prefer to
see religion in a much specific political frame: it is the exutory that has
come to replace everything that political independence promised the people and
failed to deliver on. If you return to the narratives of independence as framed
by the nationalist generation in the 40s down to the 60s, you will see that it
was framed in terms of concrete deliverables to the people that contemporary
pulpit performance by the continent’s flamboyant pastors and Islamic clerics
seem to be mimicking. Take all the biblical quotations away from the pulpit
oratory of Chris Oyakhilome or Enoch Adeboye and you may very well end up with
Nnamdi Azikiwe’s galvanizing nationalist oratory. And precisely because
Africa’s/Nigeria’s new religious zealotry of the of the Pentecostal variety no
longer frames faith and salvation in terms of the hereafter but more
specifically in terms of material comfort deliverable by a God who isn’t a God
of poverty, religion has become the second great euphoria after the first
euphoria of independence.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
But there is a cross-over between the political and the religious, is there
not? In Uganda political uprising was retooled to murderous effect with the
quasi-religious edge of the LRA. In Nigeria, Pastor Tunde Bakare is for
instance in the vanguard of political resistance. Do you see the political
profile of religion growing or waning.<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: If we define the political in very generous,
broad terms, yes there is always an intermesh between the religious and the
political. Don’t forget that Christianity’s entrance into Africa was intensely
political insofar as the missionarization of the continent was the precursive
event to formal colonization. But if we zero in on an instrumental definition
of the political in terms of structural praxes that could enhance and expand
the space of human agency, such as we see in the case of Pastor Tunde Bakare in
Nigeria, then the political profile of religion is waning. We must separate
religion as positive political praxis — as we have with Tunde Bakare — from the
more generalized instance feature of religion as a feature of postcolonial rot
as evidenced in the collaboration of falmboyant pastors with the rotten
postcolonial state in a place like Nigeria. The Bakares are easily crowded out
by the recidivists among the clergy<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Now onto football! At a recent FIFA session, Russia trumped England to host the
2018 world cup. It seems the consensus that a couple of highly-publicised media
reports on FIFA corruption by The Times Newspaper and the BBC Panorama
programme may have scuppered England’s chances. Is this media self-interest or
principle above nationalism? Should national media look at national interests
before going to press? (Consider for instance, the role of the American mass
media in the run up to the Middle-Eastern wars)<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: I am perhaps the worst person to have to handle
this sort of question because of my own permanent hostility to England in
football matters. I can’t stand English noisemaking and sense of entitlement.
I’m a fanatical watcher of the Premiership like every good Nigerian but I can’t
stand the English media and football establishment. I was glad when they got
trounced in South Africa. I am glad they were trounced by Russia. The English
media is an insufferable cry baby in football matters. As an intellectual on
the Left, my opinion of the American media is even worse — unless you are
talking about The Nation and, maybe, MSNBC. The rest is just ignorant
teapartyism masquerading as media in America<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
But by purveying national jingoism from warfront to football arena, surely the
media is doing the world a service? Surely the very real human emotion released
every four years at the World War — sorry World Cup — is best bled on the
pitch!<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: Of course national jingoism in the media has its
uses. An intellectual like me would have little to scream about if the British
and American media suddenly became less nationalistic! This is where you have
to give it to the Nigerian media though. Despite the general perception that
they have been bought — except the rising online rags like Sahara Reporters and
Nigerian Village Square — there is very little nationalistic jingoism. Some of
the worst headlines that the world sees about Nigeria are very often lifted
from the headlines of Nigerian newspapers<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
How courageous have African creative writers been, when it comes to reimagining
a future. Did Chinua Achebe’s A Man of the People cop out with the coup ending?
How will a 21st century writer end a novel that would be truly prophetic (like
Chinua Achebe was) in today’s world?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: Yes, Chinua Achebe in A man of the People and
T.M. Aluko in Chief the Honourable Minister were both prophetic without copping
out by ending those novels with coups. I guess we are in an era where the
creative writer — if she feels interpellated by political themes — may have to
start imagining structures and societies that would come after the unraveling
of the African state as we know it. The coup endings in Achebe, Aluko, and
others were not envisioning alternatives to the postcolonial state. They were
merely signalling the takeover of that state by non-democratic elements. That,
in itself, pre-supposed that democracy was a possible answer to the African
dilemma. But we have seen in Nigeria, Cote d’Ivoire and in so many other places
that we have to begin to imagine other possibilities of political becoming
beyond the state.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
How fundamental is Wikileaks to ruler/ruled dynamics? Is this relevant to
Africa? Does information have the same subversive effect in Africa as it does
elsewhere? Can information about a secret wife for an African head of state
have the same undermining power as a mistress of a European head of state?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: Wikileaks can only be revolutionary here in the
West because of the nature of their society. You know, our mutual friend, Nduka
Otiono, has been working for a very long time on the nature and uses of rumour
and street narratives in Africa — with emphasis on Nigeria. I have followed his
scholarship with keen interest as it teases out the intermesh between rumour,
civic agency, and politics in Nigeria. In our preponderantly oral culture where
transactions between ruler and ruled depend considerably on rumour, many of the
things that wikileaks normally reveals would have been rumoured and discoursed in
free newspaper reading parliaments, in Molue buses, in beer parlours and in
such other spaces of public disquisition. By the time official versions come
out, the rumour-version of such event would have settled in public
consciousness. Rumour is always precursive and attenuates the impact of
revelation. <br />
Of course there are cultural differences that would shape attitudes to the
shock value of revelations about secret wives. Don’t forget that a secret wife
may shock perhaps in Britain but I am not sure it would shock anybody in France
if the President had a secret wife. After all, they have the deuxième bureau
concubinage system in their culture even if western arrogance and conceit make
them pretend that those things exist only in Africa.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
If we challenged you for a single transformative idea, policy or change that
could bring the most beneficial change across the continent, what would it be?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: Strengthen civics as a subject in every primary
school on the continent. Design and implement a pan-African civics syllabus
under the aegis of the African Union. The continent is paying a very huge price
for the absence of early exposure to civics. The other day in my neighbourhood,
I saw kids — like seven year olds — wearing police tags and watching passing
cars. They had notebooks and other stuff. I was curious. That was their police
responsibility day at school. The police department puts them in specific
locations. When they notice suspicious behaviour on the part of drivers, they
write down your plate numbers etc. They are already being taught that in the
elementary school<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Doesn’t such early acculturation not expose children to the morality of the
government of the day? Do you not see Stalinist, Nazi echoes in this scenario?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: You are right. There is always that danger but is
the alternative any better? the fanatical followers that made Gbagbo possible
in Cote d’Ivoire and who actually gather in daily public fora at a place
misnamed La Sorbonne in Abidjan would perhaps be different African subjects if
they had civics; Nigeria has produced almost two generations of citizens without
civics and look at the price we have paid. That is why I am proposing a
pan-African civics template that would not just be a reflection of the morality
of any African government.<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
You were the inaugural winner of the Penguin Prize for African Writing, for
your book, You are Not a Country, Africa. It is due on the bookshelves soon.
What can your readers expect in the book.<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: If they have read Angela’s Ashes or the Soyinka
of Ibadan and You must Set Forth at Dawn, they will easily understand what I
try to do. I have described that book as a cultural memoir of the African
continent. The essays are in the creative non-fiction mode, starting with
specific events and experiences that cover the last thirty years of my life.
The essays then use such anecdotal vignettes to move into a more sustained
reflection on issues of politics and culture across the continent. The title
comes from a line in Abioseh Nicol’s famous poem, “The Meaning of Africa”. The
Sierra Leonian poet was writing in the fervent of Anglophone African cultural
nationalist poetry in the build up to political independence and he says: “You
are not a country, Africa/you are a concept/fashioned in our minds/each to
each/to hide our separate fears”. Can you think of a better definition of
Africa?<br />
<span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span>:
Do you see yourself playing a more direct role in politics in future years?<br />
<strong>Adesanmi</strong>: The thought always crosses one’s mind. Like most
Nigerians in the diaspora, a great deal of my time is spent agonizing and
developing high blood pressure over the monumental mess and disappointment that
is Nigeria. And if the conditions are not there for you to pull a Wambia dia
Wambia and pick up your Kalachnikov against the forces of evil ruling Nigeria
in Abuja, if you know that accepting an appointment from them almost always
comes with the Faustian precondition of selling your soul and relinquishing
your voice and joining all that corruption, you sometime think that maybe you
should go and stand for election in some capacity or the other. Anything to try
and make a change. But then you remember that the so-called society we are
looking for will continue to need dreamers, thinkers, and those whose jobs it is
to narrate her! <span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><img alt="http://www.african-writing.com/eleven/images/AW15.gif" height="8" src="file:///C:\Users\BARKHA~1\AppData\Local\Temp\msohtmlclip1\01\clip_image001.gif" width="21" /></span><br />
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-75194529037884135222015-09-28T23:56:00.001-07:002015-09-28T23:56:21.926-07:00Ma Dhici Doonto Wariye Layska Xidhi Doono Gudoomiyaha Maxkamada Sare S.land<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="270" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/i1p3mJ1v7co" width="480"></iframe>Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-47629004677649527522015-09-28T22:34:00.001-07:002015-09-28T22:34:46.141-07:00F. Lee Bailey CROSS-EXAMINES a witness<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="270" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/gVoIz2zNX9U" width="480"></iframe>Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-24955989445161525312015-09-17T01:02:00.001-07:002015-09-17T01:02:28.944-07:00معجزة إسمها الإراده..حلقة مميزة مع دكتور مصطفى محمود<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="344" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/kmw6VmQII-U" width="459"></iframe>Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-4746640210127028252015-07-06T11:28:00.001-07:002015-07-06T11:28:10.780-07:00Millenium Development Goals for 2015<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="344" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/v3p2VLTowAA" width="459"></iframe>Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-28724356986706848432015-06-30T01:24:00.000-07:002015-06-30T01:37:25.091-07:00The birth of Republic of Somaliland is it 26 June or 18th May?<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
as we have accustomed before or as usual for every country there is a day which they commemorate as there day of independence which they hold it as there highest regard and our day was 26 jun but that date was changed to 18th May which is the day that Somaliland people reclaimed there governance from the union of Somalia.<br />
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So the argument which arises for this change of date from 26 Jun to 18th of May is what is the reason behind or is it valid reason to justify for this change that Somaliland people did not take advantage of this date but rather the second one which they have reclaimed their governance and succeeded a vibrant system of governance.</div>
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Somaliland reclaimed its Independence but not disaffiliated from the rest of Somalia and its not a new state but an old one which took its independence from the Great Britain and recognized by a 35 states so by adding this into the account we should reconsider the historical effect that this change of date could have to us and that the rest of the world we only see Somaliland just seceding state. </div>
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Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-7750520387370263278.post-89915619899342787822015-06-16T06:52:00.001-07:002015-06-16T06:52:18.475-07:00Imam Al Ghazali Advice on Knowing Yourself - #SpiritualPsychologist<iframe allowfullscreen="" frameborder="0" height="270" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/rbyH0GbwAMc" width="480"></iframe>Somaliland Consumer Protection Advocateshttp://www.blogger.com/profile/01795188554517524916noreply@blogger.com0