Bar-Sharci

Labada cadow ee Dumuqraadiyada Aduunka Dad-isdaad raaciyayaasha (Populists) iyo Kali-Taliyayaasha (Autocrats) By:Arch Puddinton and Tyler Roylance (freedom in the world 2017) Tarjumistii:Barkhad Omar

<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
</div>
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnLJW7KA_tuNmeH9AxYFKX7fNXaVeg79h0hQGHUDxfTLGfRpTdmh31DDocvv8Zurru6ymcOt-eAdpdjCrBRSRFg0UCeZQU9fNoZXUeFQSN3yZwZGnDoHgX6CQghMKeOK6_5EU7ZYozJP6a/s1600/IMG_20170526_221151_201.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="1600" data-original-width="900" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjnLJW7KA_tuNmeH9AxYFKX7fNXaVeg79h0hQGHUDxfTLGfRpTdmh31DDocvv8Zurru6ymcOt-eAdpdjCrBRSRFg0UCeZQU9fNoZXUeFQSN3yZwZGnDoHgX6CQghMKeOK6_5EU7ZYozJP6a/s320/IMG_20170526_221151_201.jpg" width="180" /></a></div>
2016,Guulo waawayn oo aan hore loo arag ayay ka gadheen xoogaga Dad- isdaadraaciyaasha  iyo  kali taliyayaashu,waxay kalitalisyadu ay la yuurursadeen ficilo aftaagnimo  iyo dilal aargoosi keeni kara, arimahani waxay goobaha dagaalka guud ahaan labada qaradood ku noqdeen laf dhuun gashay.
Dhamaan arimahan oo isa soo taraya waxay tilmamayaan  khatar soo foodsaartay,  amaankii Aduunka ee rubuc qarnigii ina dhaafay dhidibada loogu taagay mabadiida saraynta sharciga,illaalinta xuquuqda adamaha iyo dumuqraadiyada-taas oo sababi doonta duni hogaamiyasheeda iyo dawaladuhuba iyadoo wax ku dirqinayaa jirin noqdaan kuwo danahooda yaryar ee gaarka ah uun raacda,iyagoon u aabo yeleyn danta guud ee  wada  midaysa ee amaanka dunida , xoriyada iyo barwaaqosoorankaba.
Gun gaadhada dhawaan soo baxay ee u sameeyey barnaamijkan "<i>Freedom in the World</i>" waxay ka marag fureen dhiloyinkii  buuxiyey hordhacyada warbaahinada dhamaan sanadkan.marka la barbar dhigo 36 korodh la diwaangaliyey,2016,isku geyn 67 dal ayaa hoos u dhac cad ku yimid dhinaca xoriyada siyaasiga ah iyo madaxbanaanidooda xaga madaniga ahba.Tani waxay hoosta ka xariiqday sanadkii 11naad  oo sanado isku xig ah, in hoos u dhacu ka batay korodhka.

Sanadihii hore hoos u dhaca xoriyaadku wuxuu ku koobnaa gudaha dalalka ay haystaan kalitaliyayaasha kaas oo si fudud isku rogi jiray xaalado aad u adag,2016 dhamaan dalalka dib u dhacu  ku yimid ee buuxiyey liisaska warbixinaha ee habka kala saraynta loogu astayey waxay ahayeen dalal dumuqraadi ah. 
Sidda xaqiiqada ah,wadamada xorta ah ayaa qayb wayn  ka noqday hoos u dhacan,afar meloodow meel ayay noqdeen wadamada Yurub e galay diwaankan hoos u dhaca 2016.
Dhamaadkii sanadka, ka dib dhacdooyin amaan daro ah, dawladahii dumuqraadiga ahaa ee waawaynaa waxa qabsaday anfariir iyo go’aan la’aan sida Maraykanka, mustaqbalkiisi  hogaamineed  waxa shaki galiyey guushii uu Donald Trump uu madaxwaynanimada ka gaadhay. kaas oo ah shakhsi aan la sadaalin karin  watana fikrado aan caadi ahayn, xaga arimaha dibada iyo arimaha kaleba sido kale bixidii uu Ingiriisku ka baxay midowga Yurub iyo dhicistii dawladii Talyaniga ka dib markii uu  ku guul daraystatay aftidii dastuurka lagu badalaayey iyo waliba isku dayo isdaba socda oo dawladu Poland kaga hortagayso dumuqraadiyada.guulaha xisbiyada neceb ajaanibku gadheen si la mida waxay shaki wayn galisay awooda gashaanbuurtii qaabaysay dumuqraadiyada aduunka.

Isla wakhtigan,Ruushka waxa uu si mug leh u muujiyey kibir iyo cadaawad,wuxuu faro galiyey hababkii isdoorasho ee dumuqraadiga ahaa ee Maraykanka iyo dawlado kale oo dumuqraadi ah,wuxuu saanado milatari ku tageerey kali taliye Asad ee Syria iyo isagoo sidoo kale dhidibada u sii aastay qabsashadi aan sharciga ahayn ee dhulka Yukrayn.China,waxuu jabiyey sharcigii calamiga ahaa,waxaanu dhagaha ka furaysatay xukunkii Maxkamada ee ka dhanka ahaa sheegashadiisii siyaadada Bada koonfurta ee China iyo cabudhinta mucaaridka dalkiisa. hogaamiyaasha aan daacad ahayn ee Koonfurta Sudaan iyo Itoobiya ilaa Taylaan iyo Philibiin waxay galeen gobood falo xuquuqda aadamaha ah oo kala duwan iyagoo shaadhkii dawladnimo gashan.

Horumaradii horaantii sanadkii u danbeeyey imika suurto galmaaha inaad si kalsooni ah uuga hadasho mustaqbalka fog ee awooda EU da;iyo sharcinimada dumuqraadiyada iyo Siyaasad arimaha dibada Maraykan sida ay mudnaanta uugu tahay xuquuqda adamahu;dhabar adayga ay haayadaha dumuqraadiga ah ee badhtamaha Yurub,Barasiil,ama koonfur Afrika;ama xataa in la rajeeyo cambaraynta dawladaha dumuqraadiga ah iyo xubnaha xuquuqda adamaha ee UNta u jeediyaan, ficilada sidda weerar lagu qaado laangaabka ama dadka tiro yar Myanmar Rohingya ama weerarada aan loo laka aabo yeelin ee Yaman meeshaba ma taal oo waxay u eegtay in bari  taa laga yahay.<br />
 By:Arch Puddinton and Tyler Roylance (freedom in the world 2017)
Tarjumistii:Barkhad Omar

Labada cadow ee Dumuqraadiyada Aduunka Dad-isdaad raaciyayaasha (Populists) iyo Kali-Taliyayaasha (Autocrats) By:Arch Puddinton and Tyler Roylance (freedom in the world 2017) Tarjumistii:Barkhad Omar

2016,Guulo waawayn oo aan hore loo arag ayay ka gadheen xoogaga Dad- isdaadraaciyaasha iyo kali taliyayaashu,waxay kalitalisyadu ay...

Crimes Against Humanity - the fifth estate

Waaxda Fulintu ma ka codsan karta waaxda Garsoorka arin fulin u baahan?

<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br /></div>
Waxay su'aashani ka soo baxday markii dhawaan aan aragnay warqad warbaahinta gashay oo ku socota Maxkamadda Sare.Warqadan oo Wasaarad, Wasaaraddaha ka midi ka codsanayso Maxkamadda sare inay laasho Liisan.jawaabta ay ka bixisay Maxkamada Sarena ay soo baxday dhawaan,nuxurka ay xambaarsanaydna guud ahaan uu ahaa mid farayaa Wasaaradda in liisanku sii shaqaynaayo.
Si hadabaa aan su’aashan uuga jawaabno waxaan si kooban u  eegi donaa Dastuurka iyo Xeerarka kale ee awoodsiiya Sadexda waxood.

Qodobka 37 aad, ee dastuurku waxa u dhigayaa in dhismaha Qaranku ka kooaban yahay Sadex waxood oo kala ah Xeer Dejinta,Garoosrka iyo Fulinta.waxaanu dhigayaa siddoo kale in waax walba u madax banaantay awoodeeda dastuurku u gaar yeelay.taas oo macnaheedu yahay waax walba awoodo u gaara oo ay ku qabato shaqadeeda ayay leeday. 
Sidoo kale qoboka 80aad waxa uu leeyey Qaranku wuxuu yeelanayaa Waaxda Fulinta oo ka gaara kana madax banaan Waaxyaha Xeer dajinta iyo Garsoorka.

Hadana qodobada 53aad,54aad, iyo 55aad, ee isla dastuurku waxay uu dhigayaan awoodaha iyo wajibaadyadda Golaha wakiiladda.Qod 53aad,Farqada kowaad waxay sheegeysaa inay waajib tahay in ogolaansho golaha wakiiladda ka helaan dhamaan cidkasta oo lo magacaabo Wasiir,Wasiir ku xigeen iyo dhamaan madaxda hayadaha Dawlada iyo farqadaha kale oo Iyana wajibaadyo kale sheegaya oo ay Waaxdan Sharci dajintu ku leeday Waaxda Fulinta.qodobkan oo shegaaya doorka u golaha wakiiladu ku leeyey Waaxda fulinta meeshana ka saraaya in Waaxda fulinta  cida ay doonto magacaabi karto iyadoon ogolaansho ka helin Waaxda Sharci dajinta. inkastoo halkaynu u soconaa aanay halkan ahayn si aynu uuga jawaabno suaasheena,hadaan aan is waafajino labadan midna uu siinaayo madax banaani buuxda,aan nidhaahno way is macnaynayaan Qodobadani waxaana nidaamka samaynayaan yahay waxaan loo yaqaan (Separation of power and Checks and Balances).

Hadaba Golaha Sharci dajintu wajibaadkiisaasi dastuuriga ah ma u gudbin kara Waax kale? sidda Maxkamadda sare oo inta uu warqad uu  u qoro ma ka dalban karaa inay Tusaale ahaan,ogoladaan ama diidaan wasirada cusub ama madaxda kale ee qarankaba amaba Heshiisyada caalamiga ah ee dawladu gashaba.Jawaabta oo koban waa maya,wajibaadka dastuuriga ah amaba Xeer kugu wajibiyey (Statutory discretion) ee asalka u ah shaqadaada looma wareejin karo cid kale.
Liisanada dawladu bixiso ogolaanshahooda iyo diidistoodaba Xeerar aya jideeya,shuruudo ayaa lagu siyaa,shuruudana waa lagaga qadaa.Tusaale ahaan sidda u dhigaayo Xeerka Qareenada JSL,Bixinta liisanka Qareenimo waxa loo eegaya inuu qofku buuxiyey shurudihii,Hadii laga qadaayo siddo kale waxa u dhigayaa shurudihii lagaga qadaayay marka intaasi soo buxsamaana saxeexa u danbeeya Wasiirka Wasaaradda Cadaalada ayaa yeelanaya.Taas macnaheedu waxa weeyi siinta iyo ka qaadistaba waxay dhamaytirmayaan marka shurudaasi ka horaysa la helo waxaana loo yaqanaa (Preconditional Fact).Hadii se cidi (Minister) talaabo ka qadiseed ay samayso iyadoon u buuxin shuruudi ka horeysay wa khalad waxaana loo yaqaan  (Jurisdictional Error),waxaana laga furan karaa dacwad ama laga dalban kara magdhaw maxkamadda awooda u leh.Lakiin ma dhacdo in Wasaaradi warqad codsi ah u qorto maxkamadda iyadoo gudanaysa arin fulineed oo Xeer qeexaayo.haddii ay dhacdana waxay noqonaysa inay awodeedi  fulineed cid kale u gudbinayso (abdication statutory discretion).

Maxkamada Sare  shaqadeeda iyo awoodaheeda waxa u asteeya Dastuurka iyo Xeerka Nidaamka Garsoorka,qodobka 10aad,<br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEji3wnP3VeTUsQXOsC_oDBUUa0umyVRSahXzfa_ymaUIMrTAl7twjvFUZOHPDRzgnpdqXCSfyQxin_3vKUPEciDCe-crCYahZxYsY4-195CbxVNgFbaH_GuIaBV9cOQeomeLyTV1nREgpmE/s1600/11988416_10153260748143495_9133492502959371948_n.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEji3wnP3VeTUsQXOsC_oDBUUa0umyVRSahXzfa_ymaUIMrTAl7twjvFUZOHPDRzgnpdqXCSfyQxin_3vKUPEciDCe-crCYahZxYsY4-195CbxVNgFbaH_GuIaBV9cOQeomeLyTV1nREgpmE/s320/11988416_10153260748143495_9133492502959371948_n.jpg" /></a></div>
farqadiisa kobaad  waxay  uu u qoran yahay sidan:-
 Maxkamadda Sare waxay hubisaa in Qoddobada sharciga sidooda loo dabaqey ama loo
fuliyey ama loo fasirey iyo in ay qabato Hawl kasta oo uu u xil saarey Dastuurku ama
sharciyada kale ee ka soo baxa waaxda Xeer-dejinta.
Wax wal oo ka soo baxaana waxa lo egaya uun qodbadan,haddii wax lid ku ah qodbadana ka soo baxaan maaha qaar sharci ah (ultra-Virus).

Guntii iyo gaba gabadii si loo helo bulsho sharcigu sareeyo afcaasha iyo go’aanada ka soo baxayaana ay u noqdaan qaar sharci ah yeelan karana fulin xalaala waxaa aad u muhiima in la isla fahmo waax walba hawsheeda.

Wabilaahi Tawfiiq
By:Barkhad Omar Ali

</div>

Waaxda Fulintu ma ka codsan karta waaxda Garsoorka arin fulin u baahan?

Waxay su'aashani ka soo baxday markii dhawaan aan aragnay warqad warbaahinta gashay oo ku socota Maxkamadda Sare.Warqadan oo Wasaarad...

DASTUURKA JAMHUURIYADDA SOOMAALILAND: 20 Arrimood oo aan La Fulin ama si Khaldan loogu Dhaqmay.

Waxa run ah in qodobbo Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland kamid ah ee aan weli la fulin (hirgelin) ama si khaldan loo adeegsaday ay aad u faro badan yihiin oo aanay ku koobnayn tiradan aan sheegay, sababtoo ah waxaan iskaga tegay qaarkood aan is idhi waaba lagu murmi karaa oo dood ayaa laga keeni karaa. Haseyeeshee, 20-kan arrimood ee aan qoraalkan ku soo qaadayaa, waa kuwo cad oo daliilkooda wata. Arrimahaas oo kala ah sidatan:

1.   Reebbanaanta kala-sarraynta iyo takoorka ku saleysan issirka, abtirsiga, dhalashada iyo deegaanka - Qodobka 8aad, faqraddiisa 2aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “Kala sarraynta iyo takoorka ku salaysan issirka, abtirsiga, dhalashada iyo deegaanku waa reebban yihiin, isla markaana barnaamijyada lagu cidhib tirayo dhaqamada xunxun ee soo jireenka ah waa waajib Qaran.” Haseyeeshee, waxaa innoo dhaqan ah oo aynu markasta ku hadaaqnaa ereyga “beelaha la hayb-sooco ama laga tirada badan yahay,” takoorka iyo quudhsiga dadkaas walaalaheen ahna ma aha mid qarsoon ee waa mid aynu wada ogsoonahay – bulshadeenu na ay ku dhaqanto. Madaxweynahu ba wuxuu lahaa La Taliye gaar ah oo kala taliya arrimaha beelaha la hayb-sooco oo uu wareegto Madaxweyne ku magacaabay. Wixii uu dastuurku reebay adeegsigoodu waa inuu reebbanaadaa. Xitaa haddii wax laga qaban waayey arrintan, keliya in magacan adeegsigiisu uu reebbaanaado ayey ahayd.

2.   Reebbanaanta in xisbi lagu dhiso gobollaysi iyo qabyaalad - Qodobka 9aad, faqraddiisa 3aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “… Waxaa reebban in xisbi lagu dhiso gobollaysi iyo qabyaalad.”  Waynu ka wada dheregsanahay qaabka ay xisbiyadeenu u dhisan yihiin iyo sida ay u adeegsadaan qabyaaladda ba. Ergooyinkii Shirweynaha Xisbiga Kulmiye ee sannadkii 2015 waxay ahaayeen ergooyin ay beelahu soo dirteen. Liiskii xubnaha Golaha Dhexe ee Xisbiga Kulmiye oo ay ku dhawaaqeen Shirguddoonkii Shirweynaha Xisbiga Kulmiye 22-kii May, 2015-ku wuxuu isna ku saleysnaa saamiyada ay beelahu ka kala heleen xubnaha Golaha Dhexe. Dhammaan Guddoomiyeyaasha iyo Murashaxiinta saddexda xisbi qaran ba si badheedh ah ayey beelaha ula shiraan, una caddeeyaan beelaha xulufada ku ah xisbi kasta.

3.   Waajibaadka Dawladda ka saaran helitaanka daaweyn lacag la’aan ah - Qodobka 17aad, faqraddiisa 1aad waxay dhigaysaa: “Dawladd[a] … waxaa waajib ka saaran yahay … helitaanka daaweyn lacag la’aan ah iyo daryeelka fayo-dhawrka guud.” Xaqiiqadu se taas aad bay uga fog tahay oo dhakhtarada dawladda adeega caafimaad ee lagu bixiyaa maaha mid bilaash ah oo daawada waa la iibsadaa. Dastuurka dalku maanta wuxuu jiraa 15 sanno, muddadaas dheer ilaa hadda weli dawladdu may gudan waajibaadkaas.

4.   Ku talogal ka yeelashada aafooyinka dabiiciga ah - Qodobka 18aad, faqraddiisa 2aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “Aafooyinka dhaca sida abaaraha, duufaanada, cudurrada faafa, dhul-gariirka iyo dagaalada waxay dawladdu ka yeelanaysaa ku talogal.” Sannadkan ugu dambeeyey, abaarahii dalka ka dhacay ayaa tusaale innoogu filan ku talogal la’aanta dawladda ee aafooyinka dabiiciga ah. Markii ay abaarahii dhaceen ayuu Madaxweynahu guddi magacaabay, ilaa iyo haddana waxaa socoto ururrinta taakuleynta dadka ay abaarahu sida ba’an u sameeyeen.

5.   Sharcinimada xorriyad ka qaadista muwaadinka - Qodobka 25aad, faqraddiisa 1aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “Qofna xorriyadiisa loogama qaadi karo qaab aan sharciga waafaqsanayn.” Sharcigu wuxuu dhigayaa in keliya qofka la xidhi karo iyadoon amar maxkamaddeed la sidan marka uu faraha dembiga kula jiro. Haseyeeshee, marka aanu dembiga faraha kula jirin, waxaa keliya lagu xidhi karaa amar maxkamadeed. Caadi ahaana, aad bay u kooban yihiin dacwaddaha qofka lagu qabto isagoo falka gelitaankiisa faraha kula jira. Haddana, inta ugu badan dacwaddaha ciqaabta ah ee ay boolisku maxkamaddaha horkeenaan waa dad la soo qabtay iyagoon fal-dembiyeed faraha kula jirin, amar maxkamaddeed na aanay boolisku u qaadan.

6.   Xurmaynta hoyga – Qodobka 29aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland wuxuu dhigayaa: “Hoyga iyo meelaha kale ee la deggan yahay waxay leeyihiin xurmayntooda; mana bannaana basaasiddooda, baadhidooda iyo geliddooda, haddaanu jirin amar garsoore oo sababaysan. Waxa waajib ah in si toos ah loogu akhriyo amarka garsooraha mulkiilaha ama degganaha hoyga inta aan la gelin. Baadhaha waxa ka reebban ku xad-gudubka amarka garsooraha.” Ku xadgudubka qodobkan daliilkiisu dhagaheena wuu ka buuxaa – Ciidamada sida gaarka ah u tabobaran ee RRU-da la yidhaa oo guryo u dhacay oo xitaa ay dhacday in guri hooy ah oo ay carruuri joogto laysku dhex rasaaseeyey xili habeennimo ah oo aanay xitaa bannaanayn in amarka maxkamadda la fuliyo. Maaha dhacdo qudha oo waa dhacdooyin la caadeystay oo ilaa hadda socda. Mana jiro qodob kale oo dastuuri ah oo arrintaas banneeyey.

7.   Muddo-xileedka Golaha Wakiillada – sida ay dhigayso Qodobka 42aad, faqraddiisa 1aad “Muddo-xileedka Golaha Wakiilladu waa 5 (shan) sanno oo ka bilaabmaysa maalinta Maxkamadda Sarre ay ku dhawaaqdo go’aanka kama dambeysta ah ee doorashada [Golaha Wakiillada].” Marka laga yimaado xubnahii ugu horeeyey ee Golaha Wakiillada oo lagu soo xulay nidaam beeleed, muddadan 15 sanno ah ee uu dastuurku dhaqan-galka ahaa, hal doorasho oo Golaha Wakiiladda ah ayaa Soomaaliland ka qabsoontay. Xubnahii la doortay 2005-tii ayaa ilaa hadda kuraasida ku fadhiya. Inkastoo cudur-daarku yahay muddo-kordhin loo sameeyey, xaqiiqadu waxay tahay mar haddii ay laba muddo-xileed iyo dheeraad marayaan in aanay muddo-kordhintu cudur-daar noqonayn.

8.   Awoodda Golaha Wakiillada ee ka dooddista iyo ansaxinta barnaamijka xukumadda – awooddaha golaha wakiillada ee ku cad Qodobka 53aad ee Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland, waxaa kamid ah in “Golaha Wakiilladu uu awood u leeyahay ka dooddista, celinta oo sababaysan iyo ansaxinta Barnaamijka Xukumadda” Annigu shakhsi ahaan, ma maqal, mana arag golaha wakiillada oo awooddaas ku dhaqmaya. Weliba sidaas ayaan isku haystaa in aan xogogaal u ahay dhaqdhaqaaqa Golaha Wakiillada.

9.   U soo bandhigida Golaha Wakiillada xisaab-xidhka sannad-maaliyaddeedka sannadka dhammaaday – Sida ku cad Qodobka 55aad, faqraddiisa 6aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland “Waa waajib u soo bandhigidda Golaha Wakiillada xisaab-xidhka sannad-maaliyadeedkii dhammaaday muddo aan ka badnayn lix bilood oo ka bilaabanta taariikhda dhammaadka sannad-maaliyadeedka, iyada oo Golaha Wakiilladu ka doodayo, go'aanna ka soo saarayaan.” Xukumaddan iyo tii hore midkoodna waajibaadkaas may gudan, golaha wakiilladuna awooddaas ma adeegsan. Xisaab-xidhkii 6dii sanno ee 2008-dii ilaa 2013-kii, waxay golaha wakiilladu wax ay ansaxin ku sheegeen isku dhaafiyeen 09-01-2015-kii. Hadda, xikmadda qodobka ku jirtaa ba waxay tahay in xisaab-xidhka sannadka tegay uu golahu go’aan ka gaadho inta aanu ansaxin odoroska miisaaniyadda sannadka dambe. Iyaguna waa kuwaas 6-da sanno xisaab-xidhkooda mar wada ansaxinaya. Midda kale ee muhiimka ah ayaa ah Qodobku ma odhan ansaxin e wuxuu yidhi go’aan ka soo saaraya. Waa laba arrimood oo kala duwan sharci ahaan.

10. Doorashada Xubnaha Golaha Guurtida iyo Muddo-xileedka – Dastuurku wuxuu dhigayaa in xubnaha golaha guurtida la dooranayo, qaabka loo dooranaya na uu xeer nidaaminayo iyo in muddo-xiloodkoodu yahay 6 (lix) sanno sida ku cad Qodobka 58aad. Arrinta cajiibka ah ayaa ah in 15-kaa sanno aan ilaa hadda la curin Xeerka Doorashada Xubnaha Golaha Guurtida. Sannadkii 2006-dii ayaa mar la isku dayey, isna hal Qodob oo ah Qodobkii 19aad ayaa laga ansaxiyey. Qodobkaas iyadoo la adeegsanayo ilaa maanta dalka kama qabsoomin doorasho lagu dooranayo gole guurti, oo muddo-kordhin ayey ilaa wakhtigaas ku fadhiyaan.

11.  Shuruuddaha musharaxa Madaxweyne iyo Madaxweyne-ku-xigeen – shuruudda ugu horeysa uguna muhiimsan ee ay tahay inuu buuxiyo qofka Madaxweyne ama ku-xigeen Madaxweyne loo dooranayaa waa: “In uu yahay muwaadin u dhashay Soomaaliland, oo aan muwaadinimo dal kale haysan, balse wuu noqon karaa qaxoonti dal kale deggan” sida ku cad Qodobka 82aad, faqraddiisa 1aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland. Murashaxiintii doorashadii madaxtooyada ee 2010 iyo kuwan hadda u loolamaya jagooyinkan ba way ku jiraan rag la og yahay in haystaan muwaadinimada dal kale. Haseyeeshee, weligeed maynaan maqal meel lagu su’aallay, lagaga hadlay ama ay ku caddeeyeen inay ka tanaasuleen. Xitaa Madaxweynaheena ayaaba lagu xantaa inuu haysto muwaadinimada dalka Britian – ma se hubo annigu. Muhiimadu se waxay tahay in shuruuddaas ku dhaqankeedu aanu inoo muuqan.

12. Daryeelka Garsoorka – Qaranku waa saddex waxood; sharci-dejinta oo ah xubnaha golayaasha baarlamaanka, fulinta oo ah Madaxweynaha, ku-xigeenkiisa iyo golahiisa wasiirrada iyo garsoorka oo ah garsoorayaasha maxkamaddaha iyo xeer-ilaaliyeyaasha. Saddexdu ba xuquuqo daryeel ayey qaranka ku leeyihiin. Inkastoo la ansaxiyey Xeerka Maamuuska Madaxweynaha, Madaxweyne-ku-xigeenka iyo Mudanayaasha Baarlamanka (Xeer Lr. 62/2013), ilaa hadda ma jiro xeer khuseeya xuquuqda garsoorku. Qodobka 98aad, faqraddiisa 3aad waxay dhigaysaa: “Daryeelka ku haboon garsoorayaasha xeer baa nidaaminaya.” Bal intii hore kaba kaalayoo, 15-kaa sanno ee Dastuurka dhaqangelkiisa ka dambeeyey ilaa hadda lama curin xeerkaas. Waana waaxda ugu hawsha adag qaranka, oo intaas dembiilayaal iyo muran murgay maareyntii ayey ku hawlan yihiin oo Qaranka ayaabay u godobaysan yihiin.

13. Xeerka Maxkamadda Sarre oo isla markaana ah Maxkamadda Dastuuriga ah – dastuurka waa buug yar oo qoran, waxa ruux gelisa oo wax nool oo shaqeeya ka dhigta Maxkamadda Sarre ama Dastuuriga ah. Inta ay maxkamaddaasi qabyo tahay, caddaaladeenu waa qabyo ee ha la ogaado. Dhammaan waxyaabaha la ilduufay ee aynu ka hadlayno, tii looga caban lahaa oo muwaadiniinta xuquuqdooda ilaalin lahayd waa maxkamaddan. Awoodda iyo dhameystirnaanta Maxkamadda sarre ayuu hadba dastuurka waxtarkiisuna la socdaa. Ayaan-darrada inna haysata waxaa kamid ah in aanu ilaa hadda jirin xeerkii ay ku dhisnaan lahayd maxkamaddaas. Maanta cidda u dacwoon karta ee dacwad dastuuriya geyn karta, mawduuca laga dacwoon karo iyo waxyaabaha kale ee aasaasiga ah majiro xeerkii qeexayey. Qodobka 101aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland na wuxuu dhigayaa in uu xeer gaar ahi nidaaminaayo.

14. Wadashaqaynta Wasaaradda Caddaaladda iyo Hay’addaha Garsoorka – Wasaaraddii Cadaaladdu waa wasaaradda ku shaqada leh caddaaladda, imika arrimaha garsoorka ayaabay raacsataye. Guddida cadaaladuna waa hay’adda ugu sarreysa garsoorka. Marka laga yimaado in Qodobka 106aad, faqraddiisa 1aad Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland ay sheegayso: “Wasaaradda Cadaaladdu waxay u xilsaaran tahay fulinta go’aannada maamul ee ka soo baxa Guddida Cadaaladda.” Oo aanay waxba intaas ku darayn, wax kaleba ha joogee intaas qoran lafteeda ayaa laysku afgaran waayey. Sidaas darteed, faqradda 2aad ee qodobka waxaa lagu waajibiyey in “Xidhiidhka wadashaqayneed ee Wasaaradda Cadaaladda iyo Hay’addaha Garsoorka uu xeer qeexi doono.” Xeerkaasna ilaa hadda lama hayo oo waajibaadkaasna lama gudan.

15. Xubnaha Guddida Cadaaladda ka tirsan ee Golayaasha Baarlamaanku soo doortaan – Guddida Cadaaladda 10 xubnood ayey ka kooban tahay, waxaa ku jira 4 xubnood oo ay golayaasha baarlamaanku soo doortaan. Qodobka 107aad, Faqraddiisa 1aad waxay leedahay: “· Laba xubnood oo Golaha Wakiiladu labadi sannadoodba hal mar ka soo doorto dadweynaha kana kala tirsan aqoon yahanada & ganacsatada; iyo · Laba xubnood oo Golaha Guurtidu labadi sannadoodba ka soo doorto dadweynaha hal mar; kana kala tirsan dhaqan-yaqaanada iyo culimada Diinta.” Inkastoo qodobkan uu ka mid yahay meelaha uu Dastuurku dhaliisha ku leeyahay oo aanu caddeyn cida dooranaysa ma shirgudoonada mise dhammaan xubnaha golaha goleyaasha. Haddana, intan qoran lafteeda ayaad moodaa in si khaldan loogu dhaqmay, oo halka ay faqraddu ka tidhi hal mar la soo dooranayo ayaa dhawr jeer la soo doortaa xubnahan – macnaha xubnahan qaarkood loogu celiyaa. Qodob sidaas sheegayaana Dastuurka kuma jiro – waabu caddeeyey oo “hal mar” ayaa bu yidhi.

16. Wax-ka-badelka tirada gobollada iyo degmooyinka – Madaxweyne Rayaale wuxuu 23-kii March, 2008-dii magacaabay 6 gobol iyo 16 degmo. Madaxweyne Siilaanyo na wuxuu bishii 7aad 2014-kii magacaabay 1 gobol iyo afar degmo. Madaxweynaha tirada gobollada iyo degmooyinka wax ma ka badeli karaa? Dastuurka ayaa ka jawaabaya oo Qodobka 109aad, faqraddiisa 3aad waxay odhanaysaa “Wax-ka-beddelka tirada gobollada iyo degmooyinka ama xuduudahooda,iyada oo sababaysan waxa soo jeedinaya Golaha Xukuumadda, waxana oggolaanaya Golaha Wakiilada iyo Golaha Guurtida.” Maxaa kuu baxay? Haddii Madaxweynahu uu noqonayo golaha xukumada, soo jeedintuna la mid tahay magacaabis u ba diiddi mayno! Arrinta aan markasta is weydiiyaa se waxay tahay waar horta gobolladan iyo degmooyinkan 9-ka sanno shaqaynaya ee Guddoomiyeyaasha leh miisaaniyadoodu maanay golahan wakiillada ee aan la horkeenin soo marin? Mooji!

17. Goleyaasha Sharci-dejineed ee Gobollada – Qaab-dhismeedka sharci-dejineed ee dalku waa Goleyaasha Baarlamaanka oo heer qaran ah, Goleyaal sharci-dejineed ee gobollada iyo Goleyaal Degaan. Qodobka 111aad, faqraddiisa 1aad waxay dhigaysaa: “Gobollada iyo degmooyinka dalku waxay yeelanayaan Golayaal sharci-dejineed oo ku kooban xeer hoosaadyo (Bye-laws} aan ka hor imanayn xeerarka dalka u dejisan iyo kuwa fulineed.” Faqradda 2aad ee qodobkuna waxaabay dhigaysaa in isku xeer lagu nidaamin doono tirada iyo doorashada goleyaasha gobollada iyo degmooyinka. Haseyeeshee, Xeerka Ismaamulka Gobollada iyo Degmooyinku (Xeer Lr. 23/2003), si fiican ayuu u faahfaahiyey Goleyaasha Deegaanka balse qaab aan waafaqsanayn qodobkan dastuuriga ah ayuu u abuuray Goleyaal Gobol oo fulineed oo aan ahayn goleyaal sharci-dejineed. Qodobka 12aad, faqraddiisa 1aad, xarafkiisa (b) wuxuu abuurayaa goleyaal gobol oo fulineed. Qodobka 13aad na wuxuu xusayaa xilkooda oo ku kooban arrimo siyaasaddeed, dhaqaale, maamul, amni, nabadgeliyo iyo horumarineed, dib u eegida miisaaniyadda, go’aannada maamul iyo siyaasadeed ee degmooyinka gobolka, dhexdhexaadinta bulshada iyo dhismaha guddi-hosaadyada. Markaa meelna kagama jirto awood sharci-dejineed, sidaas darteed weli wuu kala dhiman yahay dhismaha qaranku oo waxaa meesha ka maqan goleyaasha sharci-dejineed ee gobollada oo uu dastuurku muujiyey. Lama na hadal hayo ilaa hadda hirgelintooda.

18. Muddo-xileeda Goleyaasha Gobollada iyo Degmooyinka – Qodobka 111aad, faqraddiisa 7aad Dastuurka Qaranka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland waxay dhigaysaa: “Muddada xilka goleyaasha gobollada iyo degmooyinku waa shan (5) sanno.” Ilaa hadda lama abuurin lama na dooran goleyaal gobol, haseyeeshee, Golayaashii ugu horeeyey ee deegaanka waxaa la doortay sannadkii 2002, waxaanay xilka hayeen muddo toban (10) sanno ah oo ah inay laba muddo-xileed qaateen. Goleyaashan deegaanka ee hadda xilka haya na waxaa la doortay sannadkii 2012-ka, hal sanno ayaa uga dhiman muddo-xileedkoodii, waxaanay u badan tahay in muddo-kordhin loo samayn doono sababtoo ah doorashada madaxtooyada iyo golaha wakiillada ayaa la qorsheeyey inay sannadkaas qabsoonto. Sannadka ku xigana Golaha Guurtida ayaa lagu wadaa in taariikhda markii ugu horeysay la doorto. Markaa ugu yaraan laba sanno oo muddo-kordhin ah way helayaan. Sidaas ayaan Qodobkan dastuuriga ah loogu dhaqmin, isla markaana aan ilaa hadda loo fulin.

19. Guddida Culimada – Qodobka 115aad ee Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland wuxuu abuurayaa Guddida Culimada oo ah guddi madax-bannaan oo u xilsaaran inay si rasmi ah caddayn uga bixiyaa khilaafaadka diiniga ah iyo arrimaha laysku qabto xalaal iyo xaaraan midka ay yihiin iyo sidoo kale inay sameeyaan cilmi-baadhis nooc kasta ah iyagoo dhanka diinta ka eegaya iwm. Intaa dastuurku uu dhaqan-galka ahaa marna guddidan abuurideeda layskuma hawlin intii hore, haseyeeshee, Madaxweynahu dhowaan ayuu ku dhaqmay Qodobka 119aad ee Dastuurka oo uu magacaabay xubnaha uu golaha xukumadu ku leeyahay guddida magacaabaysa guddida culimada. Haseyeeshee, waxaa weli qabyo ah xubnahii Golaha Guurtida uga mid noqon lahaa guddidan magacaabista. Sidaas darteed, ilaa hadda dhismaha Guddidan Culimada laguma guuleysan oo qodobbadan dastuuriga ah lama fulin. Run ahaantii na, waa guddi aad muhiim ugu ah arrimaha bulshada, cadaaladda iyo ku dhaqanka diinta ba.

20.      Qodobbada Kala Guurka – Qodobka 130aad ee Dastuurku wuxuu dhigayaa arrimaha lagu dhaqmayo muddadii kala-guurka ee aanu dastuurku dhaqan-gal noqon. Waxaa se jira arrimo ilaa hadda lagu dhaqmo iyadoo 15 sanno laga joogo muddadii kala guurka ahayd. Waxaa arrimahaas kamid ah in ilaa hadda xubnaha Golaha Guurtida ee geeriyooda ay beeshii xubinta geeriyootay ama golaha ka baxday soo bedelato oo xubinta lagu bedelayo keensato. Arrintan waxay khilaafsan tahay Qodobkan faqraddiisa 3aad oo dhigaysa: “Haddii ay xubin ka mid ah Golaha Guurtida ama Golaha Wakiillada ay ku timaado xaalad ka mid ah xaaladaha ku tilmaaman qodobka 50aad waxaa soo buuxinaysa beeshii uu ka tirsanaa inta laga gaadhayo nidaamka axsaabta ee doorashada.” Faqraddan ku dhaqankeedu wuxuu ku eekaa muddadii kala-guurka ee aan la gaadhin nidaamka axsaabta doorashada. Axsaabtii doorashadu waxay hirgaleen sannadkii 2002-da, wakhtigaas kadib laguma dhaqmi karayn faqraddan, haddana ilaa hadda waa lagu dhaqmaa. Ma jiro wax ka badel lagu sameeyey dastuurku, mana jiro xeer dastuurka ka mudan oo loo daliishan karo arrintan. Iyadna waxay kamid tahay arrimaha ugu la yaabka badan ee loo baal-maray dastuurka dalka u yaal.
Madaxweyne Cigaal (AHUN) ayaa geeriyooday 3dii bishii Meey 2002-dii, isla maalintii ayaa xilkii Madaxweynenimo loo dhaariyey ku-xigeenkiisii Daahir Rayaale Kaahin oo xilkaas hayey ilaa 14kii Abriil 2003-da oo loo doortay xilkaas Madaxweynenimo. Wakhtigaas oo lagu jiray muddadii kala-guurka ahayd ee aanu hirgelin nidaamka axsaabta doorashada tooska ah, waxay ahayd in lagu dhaqmo Qodobkan 130aad, faqraddiisa 4aad oo dhigaysa: “Haddii ay ku timaado asbaabaha ku tilmaaman qodobka 86aad Madaxweynaha iyo Ku-xigeenka Madaxweynaha, ama midkood, inta laga gaadhayo nidaamka axsaabta ee doorashada tooska ah, labada Gole (Wakiillada iyo Guurtida} ayaa si wada jira muddo 45 maalmood gudahood ah ku dooranaya Madaxweyne iyo Madaxweyne-Ku-xigeen ama midkood, iyada oo xilka jagada bannaanaatay muddada doorashada ka horaysa uu hayn doono Guddoomiyaha Golaha Guurtidu.” Sida sharciga ah, waxay ahayd in xilka uu la wareego Guddoomiyaha Golaha Guurtidu, kadibna muddo 45 casho ah gudahood ay labada gole si wadajir ah u soo doortaan Madaxweyne, laakiin iyadoo la tixgelinayo duruufaha markaas lagu jiray waxaa la doorbiday in lagu dhaqmo Qodobka 89aad, faqraddiisa 2aad oo khusaysa xaaladdaha ka baxsan tan ay faqradda 4aad ee Qodobka 130aad khusayso. Xaqiiqo ahaana, aad bay u adkayd in lagu dhaqmaa sababtoo ah muu jirin habraac ay labada gole ku soo dooran karaan Madaxweyne iyo mid loo raaco murashaxnimadiisa iyo coddeynta ba. Sidoo kale qodobku muu xusin Madaxweynaha ay labada gole ku soo doortaan 45 casho gudahood muddo-xileedkiisu inuu yahay kan ku xusan Qodobka 88aad iyo inuu yahay muddo gaaban. Arrimahaas oo khalkhal siyaasaddeed keeni karayey ayaa sababay in Qodobkan ku dhaqankiisa laga talaabsado.
Qodobkan 130aad, faqraddiisa 5aad waxay dhigaysaa: “Dalka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland waxa lagaga dhaqamayaa xeerarkii hore loogaga dhaqmi jiray ee aan ka hor imanayn Shareecadda Islaamka, xuquuqda qofka iyo xorriyaadka asaasiga ah, inta laga soo saarayo xeerar waafaqsan Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland; isla markaa waa in la diyaariyaa xeerarka Dastuurka waafaqsan, waxaana lagu keenayaa xeer walba ugu yaraan muddada uu u xaddido Golaha Wakiiladu.” Muddadaas 15-ka sanno ah ee ka soo wareegtay aftidii dastuurka lagu ansaxshay ilaa hadda Golaha Wakiilladu weli muu xaddidin muddada lagu keenayo xeerar waafaqsan Dastuurka oo lagu badelo xeerarkan ay dawladdii Soomaaliya lahayd ee aynu ilaa maanta ku dhaqmayno. Waa qayb laxaadle oo qarannimadeena ka dhiman. Waxaynu nahay qaran ilaa hadda ku dhaqmaya shuruuc u dejisan qarankii uu madax-bannaanidiisa kala soo noqday. Waana qabyo u leeyahay nidaamkeena sharci ee dalku.

Wa Billaahi Tawfiiq.

Qalinkii: Cabdishakuur Cali Muxumed (Good Lawyer)
              goodlawyer2014@gmail.com
                        Burco, Somaliland.

DASTUURKA JAMHUURIYADDA SOOMAALILAND: 20 Arrimood oo aan La Fulin ama si Khaldan loogu Dhaqmay.

Waxa run ah in qodobbo Dastuurka Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliland kamid ah ee aan weli la fulin (hirgelin) ama si khaldan loo adeegsaday ay...

“Adoo gurigi barwaaqo ah geel dhalay ku haysta" Prof. Maxamed Siciid Gees – Qeybtii 44aad

“Adoo gurigi barwaaqo ah geel dhalay ku haysta

Geedi lama lalabo oo abaar looma guuree

Anigaa isu geystoo galabsaday xumaantee

wixii ila garaadaw Gobanimo ha tuurina”

Ereyada Abwaan Saxardiid Maxamed Jabiye

1961 bishii Juun, ayaa Dastuurkii Somali Republic afti loo qaadayey, aftidaas oo ka dhacday labadii dal ee isku biiray 1960 ee kala ahaa Soomaaliya iyo Somaliland. Waqtigaas shicibka Somaliland waa ka diiday isku darsigii labada dal oo markaas  sannad qudha jiray.

Qoladii reer Soomaaliya ayaa isku wada ridatay xilalkii dawladda, qaybintii dawacadda ayaa ka dhacday “Libaax wada qaado.” Dadweynihii waa ka soo booday arrintii, markii Hargeysa laga hayaamay, hantiilihii, aqoonyahankii, saraakiishii, dhalinyaradii wax baratay, rag iyo dumar ee xamar loo dareeray.

Waxa sharci ah lama kala saxeexan oo heshiis labada gole ama baarlamaan ay midba goonidii u ansixiyey ma jirin, sidaas darteed heshiis isku darsi ma jirin. Had iyo jeer Soomaalidu xagga sharciyadda waa ku liidataa waa waxay isu wada haysataa. Xeerka ayaa wax wada lahaanshaha iyo dawladnimadu ka unkataa. Waxa qudha ee markaas xalaalayn lahaa isku darsiga iyo midawga waxa uu ahaa dastuurka oo tilmaamaya isku darka haddii aftida labada qayboodba looga codeeyo oo laga aqbalo.

Laba sanduuq ayaa xaashida cod bixinta lagu kala ridayey mid madaw oo “maya dastuurka” ahaa , iyo mid cad oo “Haa dastuurka” ahaa, si loo niyad-jabiyo dadka diidan dastuurka sanduuqa madaw ayaa loo dooray.

Waqtigaas shicibka Somaliland ayaa diidanaa dastuurka iyo isku darka, sidaas darteed sanduuqa madaw ayaa lagu tilmaamay. Sanadkii 2001 waqtigii aftida dastuurka Somaliland loo diyaargroobayey ayaa la iiga yeedhay madaxtooyada maalin maalmahaas ka mid. Madaxweyne Cigaal oo ay la fadhiyaan guddigii maamulaysay aftida dastuurka, baan u imi.  Waxa laga hadlayaa warqadda codaynta waxa lagu qorayo. Markaas ayaan soo jeediyey in la qaato sanduuqii madoobaa iyo kii caddaa oo lagu kala rido warqadda codaynta. Markan ciddii dastuurka iyo gooni-isu-taaga diidani waxay ku qasbanayd inay ku riddo xaashida codaynta sanduuqa madaw, ciddi goonni–isu-taagaa iyo dastuurka ogolina waxay ku ridaysay sanduuqa cad. Ninba waa mar’eh mus ma kula koray!!. Somaliland Aftidii dastuurkaasi hore ee 1961 waxa badatay tiradii dadka diiday, sidaas darteed Somaliland waa diiday oo burisay isku darkii. Wixii ka dambaysay maalintaas , qayri sharci ayuu ahaa midawgi labada dal ee Somaliland iyo Somalia.

Dhinaca Somalia codayntii waa lagu shubtay oo sanaadiiqdii ayaa laga buuxiyey codad “Haa dastuurku” ah oo aan jirin. Waxa jirta magaalo yar oo markaas tuullo ahayd oo u dhexaysa magaalooyinka ,Afgooye iyo Buurxakaba oo la yidhaahdo Wanno-weyn (Caano-weyn) afka dadka Eelayga ee halkaasi degga ee ah qabiilka Daafeed. Magacii waxa uu isu-beddelay dhinacan Somaliland Wallaweyn. Waxa dhacday guddoomiyihii degmadda oo arrinta ku-shubashada coddadka doorashooyinka iyo musqmaasaqooda caan ku noqday oo la odhan jiray Ibraahim Boolis; ayaa Waxa uu sheegay markii codayntii dhacday in degmada wallaweyn ay ka codaysay 99 kun oo aan hal diidan lahayn oo u wada codeeyey dastuurka.

Akhristaw, Somaliland oo dhan boqol kun ayaa ka codaysay markaas. Waaaw halkaas ayaa waxa ka tisqaaday magaca Wallaweyn oo loo aanneeyey khiyaamo iyo wax isdaba marin kadibna kalsoonnidii ayaa dhimatay is-aaminiddiina way luntay. Sidaas ayaa loo kal booday.  1960 dadka ku noolaa Soomaaliya waxa lagu qiyaasay hal milyan iyo laba boqol iyo konton kun (1,250,000); dadka ku noollaa Somaliland-na waxa lagu qiyaasay lix boqol iyo sideetan kun (680,000). Sidaas oo ay tahay Aftidii dastuurkii 1961 waxa dawladdii ku sheegtay in hal milyan iyo laba boqol oo kun (1,200,000) ay codeeyeen dhinaca Somalia, dhinaca Somaliland-na boqol kun (100,000). Waar bal day maxaa ku baxay boowe! Waxaba ha yaabin.

Codayntii aftida dastuurka Somaliland waxa Guddigii maamulaysay sheegtay in ay codeeyeen hal milyan iyo laba boqol oo kun (1,200,000). Dadweynaha reer Somaliland waqtigaas waxa lagu qiyaasay Saddex milyan.

Nin aanu isku majlis nahay oo Ciidagale ah oo Xasan Guure Jaamac la yidhaahdo, ayaa marka dhacdo isla mid ah wararka adduunka lagu sheego waxaa uu yidhaahdaa “Waar; [ileyn] dadku waa wada Ciidagale!!”. ama ha caddaado ama ha madoobaado ama indha-yar ha ahaado, waa dad uun oo isku si ayey u fal celiyaan!. Aan anna tixraaco saaxiibkay Xasan Guure’eh  ‘Waar Ileyn Soomaalidu waa wada Wallaweyn!”

Wax yar ka dib markii aftidii dastuurku dhacday 1961-kii bishii Juun, ayaa waxa fatahay labadii webi ee Shabeelle iyo Jubbaa ee Soomaaliya. Daad ayaa qaaday beerihii iyo dadkii, Ciidammada Maraykanka ayaa u soo gurmaday oo badbaadiyey. Waxa iyana jirtay in wadaaddada reer Somaliland ay u ololaynayeen waqtigaas dastuurka in la qaato oo loo codeeyo; deeto codkii suuqii ama ra’yigii dadweynaha ayaa arrintaas qoonsaday. Waxa markaas soo booday hal-hayskan; “Illaahi Wallaweyn webiga ku furoow annana naga qaad wadaaddada”. Ayaamahan suuqu waxa uu leeyahay “Illaahi Wallaweyn Washaysiga badoow, annana naga……. Suldaannada”.

Marxuun Madaxweyne Maxamed Xaaji Ibraahim Cigaal, khudbaddii u dambaysay ee uu khayriyada ka jeediyo waxay ahayd 18 Mey 2001. Ma ku simin naftu inuu gaadho 18 Meydii 2002 ee waxa uu xijaabtay 3 May 2002. Haddaba khudbaddaasi markuu jeedinayey (oo ahayd xilligii aftida dastuurka la isu-diyaarinayey) waa uu xannuunsanayey waxa makrafoonka u hayey Marxuun Cismaan Basbaas oo duqa magaalada Hargeysa waqtigaas ahaa.

Anigu waxan fadhiyey kursi agtiisa ah, markuu u soo baxayey mensada garabka ayuu isii qabsaday, Illaahay ha u naxariisto. Wax badan ayuu ku soo qaaday khudbaddaasi, oo ay ka mid ahayd aftida dastuurka. Waxa uu sheegay inuu filayo in tirada dadka u codeeyey dastuurku ay noqonayso boqolkiiba sideetan (80% ) Waxa u codeeyey boqolkiiba 97%. Waxa uu yidhi axsaab ayaad ku tartami doontaan, [way dhacday oo] waa lagu tartamay. Waxaa uu gacanta ku fiiqay hortiisa iyo dhinaca shacabka [shacab area] oo wuxuu yidhi; guryo dhaadheer oo kuwa Dubay ku yaal oo kale ah ayaad halkaas ka dhisan doontaan, [taasina way dhacday oo]  waa laga dhisay. Waxa kale oo uu yidhi; Markaas anigu idin lama joogo taasina sidii bay u dhacday oo Nin weyni wedkiisa waa yaqaannaa oo ka hor ayuu allaystay.  Ayaamahaas uu xannuunsanyey ayaa la arki waayey, markaas ayaan Daahir Rayaale oo Madaxweyne-ku–xigeenkiisa ahaa,  waxaan ku idhi; “Waar Madaxweynihii ma u war haysaa?”.  Waxa uu igu yidhi; “Xalay ayaan u tegay oo  aan ku idhi dhakhtar ma laguu qaadaa, wax uu igu yidhi waar nin weyn ayaan ahay; oo nin weyni wedkiisa waa yaaqaanaa.”  Waxa jirtay markii aftida la isu diyaarinayey ayaa wadaad caan ah oo reer Burco ihi ka hor yimi aftida dastuurka oo yidhi waa xaaraan. Marxuun Cigaal khudbaddii khayriyadda ayuu farriin ugu diray sheekhii oo intuu magcaabay ku yidhi; “Hebelaw kaalay ila maqr-reyso, oo Hargeysa kaalay ha la ina dhegaystee.”  Marxuunku Jeelkii labaatan jirow ayuu Qur’aanka ku qaybay oo korka ayuu ka hayey. Wadaadkii ma iman Hargeysa lamana uu maqr-reysan marxuun Cigaal, hase yeeshee waa uu hadlay oo xalaalleeyey aftidii dastuurka. Bal waa taas’eh afti dastuur ha laga qaadi karo meel Soomaali degto, carkee! Yaa ku dhaca! Halkan waa lagu dhacay wadiiqo kasta ha loo maree.

Isla sannadkii 1961 bishii December waxa dhicisoobay afgembi ay isku dayeen sarakiil reer Somaliland ahi, oo markaas ku sugnaa Somaliland. Ujeeddada afgembigu waxay ahayd in dib looga soo gurto oo laga soo noqdo isku darkii.

Raggii waagaa isku dayey afgembigaas waxa ka mid ahaa Marxuun Cabdi Dhallac, Marxuun Siciid Cali Giir iyo Marxuun Cabdikariin Cashuur Cabdule; seddexdaasi marxuun waxay ka soo jeedeen Deegaanka Laascaanood iyo Laas-qoray.

Safiir Cawil Xaaji Cali Ducaale iyo Safiir Cabdillaahi Kongo ayaa ka nool raggaasi, inta aan ka war hayo. Halganka gobanimo-doonka ilaa kii daraawiishta ee isticmaarka lagula dagaalamayey, kii axsaabta iyo kii jabhadda xoraynta Soomaaliyeed (SNM) dadka mandaqadda degaa waa ku wada jiraan mar kasta, haloo kala batee mararkaasi. Haddaba yaan maskaxda dhallinyaradda soo kacaysaa lagu abuurin taariikh kooban, oo dadka kala takooraysa.

“Adoo gurigi barwaaqo ah geel dhalay ku haysta" Prof. Maxamed Siciid Gees – Qeybtii 44aad

“Adoo gurigi barwaaqo ah geel dhalay ku haysta Geedi lama lalabo oo abaar looma guuree Anigaa isu geystoo galabsaday xumaantee wixii...

SHAMED: Foreign aid fat cats who built £1.4billion empire... with YOUR tax money

• Share of foreign aid delivered by contractors tripled in two years to £1.4bn
• Charity chiefs are known to earn annual salaries of more than £250,000
• Firms allegedly claim from consultants costing taxpatyers £1,000 a day</b>

Caroline Pinder passionately believes in the power of aid to help the world’s poor. She has dedicated the past 25 years of her life to this cause, working on projects often supported by British taxpayers in two dozen countries from Albania to Zimbabwe.
But last month she quit – dismayed at how the Government has lost control of its bloated foreign aid budgets to the ‘poverty barons’: a small group of profit-hungry private consultancies who now dominate the aid industry.
‘This money is meant to be going on poverty reduction in the Third World,’ Pinder said. ‘It is not meant to be about all these people doing so well back here in Britain.’
Pinder told me she grew gradually more distraught at seeing foreign aid exploited by wealthy Western firms enriching themselves with ‘ineffectual’ schemes and ‘faddish’ projects that she says are often ‘off the scale of unreality’.
‘Our job was supposed to be about reducing poverty. But now you just see these people chasing bigger and bigger profits,’ she told me. ‘It is a long way from what development was ever meant to be.’
This dedicated woman is right to be alarmed by the rise of these Western foreign aid fat cats, some of whom are making millions for themselves in the quest to banish global deprivation.
I spoke to her as part of a Mail on Sunday investigation that exposes the shocking truth behind all those soft-soap promises of politicians and charity chiefs to change the world with our tax billions.
We can reveal that:
• The share of Britain’s £12billion annual foreign aid budget delivered by contractors has almost tripled in two years to £1.4billion a year according to analysis of Government data – despite pledges to review this figure two years ago. 
• The biggest 11 firms – six of which are British – were handed almost half a billion pounds last year. This is more than double the sum they were given two years earlier. 
• Favoured contractors are seeing profits soar and margins rise as they boast of winning multi-million-pound deals from the Department for International Development (DfID). One saw profits almost double in a year – but avoided paying any corporation tax, while a second paid less than one per cent of profits in tax.
• Six-figure pay packages are commonplace, with executives earning annual salaries of more than £250,000, massive dividends and substantial annual pay rises. Average salaries at some firms, including the most junior staff, are in excess of £50,000. 
• The most successful consultancy – largely funded by taxpayers – has almost doubled spending on administrative expenses in a year to more than £10million. 
• There are accusations that some firms claim from DfID for consultants costing almost £1,000 a day - then use office interns to do the work or pay outsiders significantly less than billed. 
• David Cameron was so concerned these allegations might appear in public that he summoned some whistleblowers to Downing Street, but failed to allay their concerns.

John Hilary, executive director of War On Want, said: ‘This is the worst possible abuse of the aid budget, which is being recycled to British businesses acting like parasites.
‘It calls into question the point of raising the budgets.’ It is hard to disagree.
I have just returned from investigating the appalling failures of British aid on the tiny Caribbean island of Montserrat. Now it is clear some people back home are becoming very rich off the back of Britain’s profligate pledges to help the world’s poor.
The rise of this ‘consultancy cartel’ is the inevitable consequence of inflating Britain’s aid budget after the Prime Minister’s controversial pledge – backed by opposition parties – to meet an absurd UN target to give away 0.7 per cent of national income.
This means that even as chancellor George Osborne seeks £13 billion spending cuts at home, the sums frittered away abroad on dubious aid projects must soar as the economy grows, to hit a target that is now legally binding. Britain spends £12 billion a year on foreign aid. It rose by more than £4.4 billion under the Coalition government, and the sum is more than any other European nation’s.
Yet staff numbers at DfID rose only slightly. So as they struggle to administer the cash cascade, half the sums are now diverted through multilateral organisations and consultancies with less accountability, higher administrative costs and fewer controls.
<b>THE FAT CAT CONTRACTOR MAKING MILLIONS</b>
DFID’S most successful contractor is Adam Smith International (ASI), which grew out of a free market think tank that, ironically, argues for smaller government and lower taxes. Its directors include Sir Malcolm Rifkind, the Tory MP who quit after cash-for-access claims.
In 2012, its turnover of £72 million was boosted by £43 million from DfID, and it doubled this two years later with projects ranging from tax reform in Afghanistan to market development in Nepal and Nigeria.
Some of the schemes, say insiders, are questionable, with vague outcomes. Yet the firm’s most recent annual report reveals turnover rose 25 per cent to £90.1 million a year later, while post-tax profits shot up 56 per cent to £10.6 million.
‘The group is optimistic about its future prospects,’ stated the report.
Such success has led to huge rewards for its directors, in stark contrast to the struggles faced by the millions of people they are paid to lift from poverty around the planet. Directors shared out £852,260 with the highest-paid director seeing his salary rise from £222,863 to £265,992. The company refuses to disclose his name, despite proclaiming ‘the highest standards of transparency and accountability’.
A spokeswoman denied it was managing director William Morrison. He has previously collected a seven-figure dividend from his 24.7 per cent stake in parent company Amphion, which the report revealed was sold to the firm’s holding company for £10.5 million.
Adam Smith International was singled out for criticism by the powerful Public Accounts Committee two years ago, with MPs warning such dividends were ‘excessive’ and ‘undermined public confidence’ that aid money was being well-spent.
Mr Morrison hit back saying the firm had completed important projects in some of the world’s most dangerous hotspots. ‘I have been shot at in helicopters and cars, mortared on open ground and I have worked from buildings struck repeatedly by rockets.’
The firm cannot be accused of neglecting its staff. It paid them an average salary of £64,400 despite group numbers rising from 77 to 99 as business grew. Its soaring administration costs rose by more than £4 million to £10.3 million.
Business was so good that Rifkind, who infamously complained about living on an MP’s salary, was given a £5,512.50 bonus on top of his £2,916.66 monthly director’s stipend.
An ASI spokeswoman said pay levels were based on market rates. She added: ‘British taxpayers can be assured that they are getting excellent value for money from our teams of specialists, who often risk their lives to achieve results in very difficult and dangerous conditions, helping make Britain more secure and lifting millions out of poverty.’
THE BARONS’ SOARING POVERTY AID PROFITS
OUR investigation shows that big rewards, such as those at ASI are far from unique in the poverty industry, thanks to DfID’s generosity.
One consultancy called Coffey International boasts of being ‘well-positioned to benefit from increased levels of spend by our main client’ in its annual report. The firm received £23.7 million from DfID last year – a substantial increase from the £9.5 million it was handed two years earlier.
Its report also bragged about increasing margins – and revealed a healthy rise in annual profits to almost £5 million.
Then there is the US-owned firm DAI Europe, handed £34.3 million by DfID last year, almost three times the amount given in 2012.
This went on projects such as a £13 million attempt to improve police accountability in conflict- ridden Democratic Republic of Congo. Such schemes helped turnover rise £10 million to £27.4 million according to the firm’s latest accounts, and gross profits almost double to £3.3 million.
But despite doing so well from the generosity of British taxpayers, it did not pay a penny back in corporation tax in either 2012 or 2013. A spokesman said this was due to failure to make net profit. ‘DAI has paid all applicable taxes and is committed to good corporate citizenship wherever we work,’ he said.
Yet DAI Europe could afford to pay staff an average salary of £52,000 – and handed managing director Dr Julian Lob-Levyt £271,102, a rise of almost £23,000 on the previous year, based partly on incentive payments. ‘As stewards of taxpayer funds, often managing projects in some of the world’s most challenging environments, it is critically important that we attract and retain the very best employees,’ said the firm’s spokesman.
Lob-Levyt, a former senior DfID adviser who lives near Ed Miliband in North London, has since moved on. He was replaced by Christopher Lockett, who ran a firm called HTSPE whose expertise in climate change and governance was bought by DAI ‘to increase access to European donor organisations’.
HTSPE was owned by its 47 staff and made annual profits of more than £2 million – which means it would have sold for between £8 million and £12 million, according to a well-placed source.
If it sold for £10 million, payouts to staff would have averaged £213,000 – although senior figures probably received bigger shares of the pot.
GRM International is another contractor seeing turnover, profits and staff numbers soar.
The DfID sum awarded to GRM last year was £25.6 million.
It boasts in its annual report of winning three major new contracts from DfID worth millions and admits ‘99 per cent of turnover was attributable to DfID contracts’.
Yet the Australian-owned multinational paid just £32,690 in corporation tax – less than one per cent of its £3.8 million gross profits.
‘We comply with UK tax law and statutory filings and our financial results are independently audited,’ said a spokesman.
Managing director Kim Bredhauer, who has been with the firm for more than 30 years, is an aid adviser to the Australian government. He lives in the tax haven of Dubai.
Crown Agents – a state enterprise privatised in 1997 and now consulting in more than 100 countries – was given £208 million last year by DfID to run projects.
This was a big rise on the £30 million it received two years beforehand. Yet its latest annual report revealed falling turnover and substantial losses.
The firm’s £192,000-a-year chief executive Terence Jagger, a former Ministry of Defence official who lives in Chiswick, West London, stepped down last month.
Another outfit doing well is Oxford Policy Management. Just two years ago it employed 136 full-time staff, along with 83 casual consultants, but today its website talks of ‘more than 200 staff’ with nine offices in Africa, Asia and Europe.
Higher margins helped deliver profits of £7.8 million in 2013, enabling managing director Simon Hunt to be rewarded with a £185,585 pay and pension package, a hefty increase from the £159,850 taken home the previous year. Last year it was handed £26.7 million by DfID.
Mr Hunt pointed out that Oxford Policy Management had worked with DfID for 20 years and said: ‘Repeat business and the length of relationships are reasonable indicators of a client’s perception of value for money.’
Maxwell Stamp, an ‘international economics consultancy’ based in Britain, received almost £20 million from DfID last year, while Options – an offshoot of abortion provider Marie Stopes that provides ‘technical and management expertise in the health and social sectors’ – saw DfID income rise to £15 million.
THE SPEND, SPEND, SPEND CONSULTANTS
This is an industry that declares itself dedicated to helping the world’s poorest people.
But aid workers told me how, as budgets started to soar under Tony Blair, they saw controls loosen and contractors take over delivery of aid programmes.
‘There was a spend, spend, spend attitude that came from politicians at the top,’ said one former senior DfID official.
As budgets ballooned, these projects were bundled together into ‘frameworks’ such as governance, conflict-resolution and market-creation. These often had loose aims, huge budgets, were hard to quantify and were handed to consulting firms.
Insiders say the culture also changed with emphasis placed on spending over results.
‘Before we would close down projects that were not working but, because of the pressures from above, we began turning a blind eye to failures so long as the money was spent,’ said the ex-DfID source.
The legacy can be seen in places such as Nigeria, getting the biggest increase of any major recipient nation over the course of the coalition with £247 million handed over this year.
Among the firms involved on multi-million projects are ASI, GRM and DAI.
Yet one consultant working there admitted many of the schemes were ineffective. ‘It would be better to drive through Nigeria shovelling money out the back of a lorry – and given the sums involved, you would need a shovel,’ he said.
Another consultant was surprised to see a £13.6 million project to boost construction in four states when the sector was clearly booming.
‘I would go into the office and see all the consultants sitting around drinking coffee after flying in from around the world,’ said this source.
‘They were doing workshops and research, but we all knew the problems. You were making recommendations to a corrupt government that would do nothing about it but was happy to have the money.’
This might be pointless but it can be highly lucrative: ASI has charged almost £2,500 for attendance at five-day training courses passing on its ‘governance’ expertise. I heard from consultants on daily rates of close to £950, while major City consultancies are reputed to claim even higher fees for experts.
Those involved include KPMG, which runs ‘accountability’ projects in Africa despite being accused of aiding tax avoidance by MPs.
‘MAKE £150,000 A YEAR WITHOUT SWEAT’
THE MPs also attacked accountancy giant PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) for promoting tax avoidance ‘on an industrial scale’ earlier this year, yet this has not stopped the firm from handling a surge in DfID spending from £33.7 million in 2012 to £42.9 million last year.
‘The majority of the figures represent the funds we disburse on behalf of DfID,’ said a spokesman. ‘They do not represent the level of fees paid to PwC.’
Little wonder one former DfID official told me he quit his £60,000-a-year civil service job and started earning £650-a-day as a consultant doing much the same work. ‘You can make £150,000 a year without much sweat,’ he said.
He added that he would pay people daily rates of £400 and ‘charge out’ £800 to funders. Such claims were supported by other former and current consultants, who said DfID knew about such mark-ups but were often oblivious to the scale of them.
‘You go into development to make a difference to the world but then find out so much money ends up back here,’ said a source.
Other aid workers told me of local staff billed to DfID as £205-a-day consultants but paid only £90, and of numerous conferences held in expensive hotels. One consultant claimed contractors win deals on the basis of using outside experts or workers at fixed rates, then reduce their workload and use lower-paid internal staff to boost profits. There was even a rumour that executives at one firm bet a case of champagne on whether DfID would pay out for a fabricated £25,000 invoice – which they did instantly.
Whether apocryphal or not, the story highlights widely held beliefs.
Whistleblowers sought to raise such concerns with DfID, the official watchdog, Ministers and MPs to improve the effectiveness of spending and evaluation of contracts. They contacted David Cameron, claiming he urged them not to go public and arranged a meeting at No 10 with Kate Joseph, his adviser on foreign affairs and development.
Joseph admitted the £180 million Growth And Employment In States programme in Nigeria ‘had been pretty bad’ but told them DfID believed it was now back on track.
One whistleblower said: ‘Whatever DfID does they can justify it because they use all these statistics that are impossible to verify. All that matters is their money is being spent.’
DfID introduced a code of conduct for consultants two years ago after it emerged they were taking almost half a billion pounds annually.
‘Suppliers need to show they are delivering the very best value for taxpayers money,’ said Justine Greening, the secretary of state.
She refused to publish an internal inquiry into their use, however, prompting accusations of hypocrisy given her department’s emphasis on transparency.
DfID insists all contracts are issued after a competitive bid process.
‘We provide care and support to people in some of the most hostile and poorest places in the world,’ said a source. ‘Often they are the only agencies able to deliver the results we need on the ground.’
Trade body British Expertise International also defended their work. Chief executive Tracey Smith said: ‘Increased spend demonstrates greater confidence that contractors are delivering exceptional, accountable results with real value for money.’

Source: Web,Dailymail.

SHAMED: Foreign aid fat cats who built £1.4billion empire... with YOUR tax money

• Share of foreign aid delivered by contractors tripled in two years to £1.4bn • Charity chiefs are known to earn annual salaries of more ...

Somaliland Ma Dhaafi Kartaa Waddada Oodanay Afka Saartay?

Somaliland su'aalaha horyaalla waxa ka mid ah jiritaankeedii ummadnimo iyo qarameed ma sii socon karaa oo ma la sugi karaa Somaliland is haysata oo midnimo ku naalloota; qaran iyo dad ahaan ba?
Taas ka horjeedkeeda, waxa wadnaha farta lagaga hayaa in ay u kala firidho sidii adhi weere galay. Tani saadin belaayo iyo shar doonnimo ma aha ee waa “khayr wax kuma yeelo, ee shar u tooga hay”! Waa welwel, walbahaar iyo walaac uu waayaha jiraa ku soorayo garaad kasta oo fekeraya, caqli kasta oo gorfayn ku hilaadin kara waxa jira iyo waxa ka dhalan kara cidhib dambeed ahaan.

Haddii uu sii socda dareenka taban ee xoogga dhexdeena ku leh ee ah "waxa aynu nahay reero wax isku darsaday oo reeronimadaas wax kaga dhexeeyaan" waxa hubanti ah in aynaan qarannimo weligeen hanan kari doonin, goor ay noqotana in reeruhu iska hor iman doonaan, oo ku kala dhaqaaqi doonaan waxa ay is moodsiiyeen in ay isku darsadeen ee ka dhexeeya!
Nidaamka beelaha haddii wax lagu yagleelay xilligii adkaa ee colaadaha iyo dagaallada sokeeye laga soo doogay, waxa ay ahayd in qarannimo looga sii gudbo oo qabiilka iyo qarannimada la kala saaro, illayn labadu ma wada noolaan karayaan oo xafiisku kama dhaxayn karo eh.

Haddii garaadku shaqeeyo oo loo fekero si togan oo wax-ku-ool ah, madaxna bannaan oo xor ah waxa kuu soo baxaysa in nidaamka qabiil ee wax lagu dhisay uu isaga laftiisu dumin karo waxaas lagu dhisay oo uu cadow u yahay.
Tusaale haddii 1991 iyo 1993 Burco iyo Boorame loo wada dhammaa wada yeelashada Somaliland oo beeluhu wada yagleesheen 25 sannadood ka dib, waxa isa soo taraysa in wada yeelashadaasi sii shiiqayso ama degaannada qaar aanay biyo-dhigin ba oo ay sheekobaraley agtooda ka ahayn, cid u rumaysana aanay il baal ka qaadin, cid sii fogaysa mooyaane.
Qaybaha ugu badan ee bulshada Sool iyo Sanaag Bari way sii durkayeen, illaa in badani fogaadeen maanta oo ay geeri ka xigaan in ay wax la yeeshaan beelo kale oo Somaliland magac ah sita.
Waxa kale oo dareen tabani mar kasta ka oognaa Awdal oo Somaliland aanay in badani laabta u sii dayn, dareenkaas oo maantadaa qoyan isna carcarihiisa qaba oo taagan.

Beelaha dhexe oo ahaa isirkii ugu weynaa ee yagleelka Somaliland dabada ka riixayey ayaa u kala qubtay oo maanta u kala yaalla reero, jilibbo iyo raasas ooduhu u kala rogan yihiin oo aan dabka kala qaadan.
Calaamadahan oo dhami ma aha wax cusub ee waa dhaqankii iyo geddii lagu yiqiin ee laga fili karayey nidaamka qabaliga ah iyo noloshiisa. Waa reero oo dhul iyo mabaadiyi kama dhexeeyaan ee waxa ka dhexeeya tolliimo iyo hiilo ka dhaxaysa hadba intii dhiig wadaag leh ama hab is gaashaan-buuraysi leh.
Xafiiskii dawladeed ayaa waxa isugu yimi laba ama in ka badan oo ah dad ka soo kala jeeda beelo aan dhiig iyo is bahaysi wadaag ahayn.
Waa kuwaas isku haysta ee ku dagaallamaya. Xafiiskii iyo wasaaraddii waxa ay noqdeen meel had ba ninka ka madaxda ah uu reerkoodu leeyahay.

Madaxtooyada iyo dawladdeenna waxa mar na leh oo loo nisbeeyaa qolo guud oo Isaaq la yidhaahdo, mar kale na reer hoose oo Habarjeclo la yidhaahdo. Waa dhab taasi waa xukuumad kasta waxa loo aaneeyaa in reer leeyahay ama reero ka xigaan kuwa kale, ta dhalan doontana waa sidaas haddii aan tubtaas iyo garashadaas wax laga beddelin.
Intu ba waa xaqiiqo jirta haddii aan la is yeel yeelayn oo waaqaca horteenna yaalla ka dhex muuqda.
Mas'uulku Somaliland uma qoolna xilkiisa iyo waxa uu mas'uulka ka yahay, oo cidi ka la ma xisaabtami karto wax kasta oo uu bi'iyo, waa waa nin reer hebel u jooga, oo qarannimadii la isku darsaday u metela, haddii la soo qaado waldays (ul ama budh) ayaa ciddii wax ka sheegta lagu la soo haadayaa. Haddii uu duray qaado waa laga wada daba qufacayaa.
Sifada qof xil loogu dhiibaa waa reer hebelnimadaas lafteeda ee ma aha aqoontiisa iyo xirfaddiisa qofnimo. Aqoon iyo xirfadi ba qiimo-soorka ama qiyamta kuma jiraan oo meel kuma laha. Waa wada maan gurracan iyo garasho jaan. Maqluubkay maskaxdu u fekertaa.

Waxa taas la mid ah in aanu muwaaddinku xaq iyo xuquuq ba lahayn si la mid ah sida marka uu dembi galo aan loo la xisaabtami karin. Labada jeer ba waa reer hebel waxa wax lagu qiimaynayaa. Codkaaga iyo hankaagu ba waxa ay u xidhan yihiin reer hebel oo sidii ay cuqaashu ku arrimiyaan waa in aad yeeshaa. Dsiyaasiga iyo aqoonyahanku waxa ay hayaan xilkii cuqaasha ee maaha dad nolosha doorar iyo kaalin ku leh.
Siyaasiga Somaliland waxa fekerkiisa, garaadkiisa, dareenkiisa iyo ficiladiisa ba qaabeeya oo sameeya salaadiinta beeshiisa iyo qabyaaladda ama qabiilka iyo taxaalufaysigiisa, bahaysigiisa siyaasiga ah. Axsaabteenna iyo noloshooda siyaasadeed ba dheeho. Waa qabaa’il iyo qabyaalad dhismahoodu. Qaarkood waxa bay u dhisan yihiin si u eg habraaca islaamuhu ay haqbadda isugu darsan jireen oo reero ayaa hagbadaysanay, oo sidaasi in ay sax tahay ku tagsan oo aaminay.
Ma jiro ama waa faro-ku-tiris siyaasi ama hoggaamiye ina hor keeni kara qorshe iyo barnaamij siyaasadeed oo leh himilo, higsi iyo ujeeddooyin qarameed oo ka turjumi kara baahida iyo tabashooyinka qaran ee jira: Kala daadashada garashadii ummadnimo, dhaqaalaha sii hagaasaya, shaqo la’aanta iyo saboolnimada sii baahaysa, tayada la’aanta inta la haysto ee waxbarasho leh, caafimaad leh, waddo iyo jid la maro leh, biyo leh, daryeel naf iyo nool leh, garsoor iyo caddaalad leh, han iyo hirasho leh, aqoonsi dibadeed iyo xidhiidh caalami leh, ee intan in kale ba leh. Waxa siyaasiga kaga gudban garshada reernimo ee wax kasta kala weyn oo iyada uu marna kula eertaa oo la hoos galaa dunaabtiisa iyo dhalliilihiisa, mar kalena uu taageero iyo cod ka durraantaa.
Halkanna waxa habaas ku dul fuulay distoor, sharci iyo qaanuun oo dhan oo waxa loo gacan galay kaymihii dabar iyo seeto la'aanta. Sigaasigeenna iyo mas’uulkeennu ba waa “awr dabar la’aan dhacay”! dembi ma qabto, xaal na ma qabto, wax ba ba ma qabtaan.

Ma jiro muwaaddin xil laga la xisaabtamaa saraan yahay, ma na jiro muwaaddin leh xaq iyo xuquuq. Maxaa markaas qanuun iyo sharci looga baahan yahay?!
Haddii sharci iyo qaanuun la raacaa wax ba agteenna ka noqon waayeen oo dawladnimadeennu ka maarantay, oo aynu ka doorbidnay xeer jajabkii qabiilooyinka iyo taxaalufkoodii, is garabsigoodii iyo is gaashaan-buuraysigoodii ku salaysnaa iska caabbinta iyo muquuninta qolooyinka kale, waxa aynu gawrac ugu jiidnay oo aynu god dad liq ah oo gun dheer iyo dalluun ku hubsanaynaa qarannimo inoo hanaqaadda iyo isirradeedii, waxa na aynu horseednay raacidda jid qardajeex ah oo qodxaan badan oo burbur, danni iyo is waa' miidhan ah.
Ma sii wada noolaan karaan qabiilka iyo qarannimada kursiga xafiiska dawladeed ku wada fadhiyaa?
Ma kala saari karnaa qabiilka iyo qarannimada xafiiska dawladeed sidii Reer Yurub ugu guulaysteen in ay kala saaraan Kiniisadda iyo Dawladda markii ay wada noolaan kari waayeen dhawr weyn oo qarni ka hor?
Ma abuuri karnaa qaran walaaleeya qabaa'ilka oo dhan sidii Diinta Islaamku Jasiiradda Carbeed ka dhaqan gelisay soo if-baxeedii?!

Sidee ayaynu ugu gudbi karnaa “qafla baabayntaas” qarannimadii afka saartay?
Miyaynaan gaadhin wakhtigii la is waydiin lahaa, laga fekeri lahaa hoggaan leh karti, garasho, aqoon, daacadnimo iyo hufnaan oo dejin kara, abuuri kara, inaga iibin kara, oo soo bandhigi kara qorshe iyo barnaamij siyaasadeed oo la noolaan kara bugtadeenna, oo dabiib u raadin kara xannuunadeenna iyo dhibaatooyinkeenna ina barriinsaday. Hoggaan (koox) leh han iyo himilo qaran, higsi iyo ujeeddooyin fulineed oo aan afka baarkiisa ahayn, u qoolan mas’uuliyaddooda, isirradii maamul wanaaggu iyaga iyo dhaqankooda ka muuqdaan, oo sharciga iyo qaynuunku dabbaalaan oo xidhaan. Hoggaan isu soo taaga gobollada oo dhan isaga oo aan reero ahaan iyo qabyaalad ku beerlaxawsanayn oo wax kaga doonayn, hase yeeshee wax qabad iyo qorshe wax kaga iibinaya oo cod kaga doonaya. Haddii hoggaankaas la helo xisbigii uu doono ba sallaan ha ka dhigto’e, waxa aan u arkaa in Somaliland ka gudbi karto waddada oodanta ah ee ay shafka ku hayso maanta.
 Maxay kula tahay?
 
Qalinkii Maxamed Baashe X Xasan

Somaliland Ma Dhaafi Kartaa Waddada Oodanay Afka Saartay?

Somaliland su'aalaha horyaalla waxa ka mid ah jiritaankeedii ummadnimo iyo qarameed ma sii socon karaa oo ma la sugi karaa Somalilan...

Siyaad Barre iyo la kulankisii uugu horeeyey ee Garsoorayaasha,1969

Talo dihatey leegada markii damacu ee geeyey.(Pro Gees,Dharaaro xasuustood Qaybtii 42)

Talo dihatey leegada markii damacu ee geeyey
Ee Aadan iyo ay dhaceen dawladdu haystay
Aniguba dilaal baan ku helay derajadaydii eh”
Maxamed Xaaji Ibrahim Cigaal
Mohamed Saeed Gees, Executive Director
Mohamed Saeed Gees, Executive Director

Marxuun Cigaal waxa uu dareemay in uu qariib ku ahaa Muqdisho oo xilka uu ku helay dilaalnimo, tuducani waxa uu ku bilaa gabaygii uu jeelka ku tiriyey markii askartu afgembiga ku qabsatay dalkii Jamhuuriyadda Soomaaliyeed ee madaxdii ku gurtay jeelasha. Arrintaas oo siyaasiin badan oo Somaliland u dhalatay oo filayey inay xilal buuran ka qabtaan Soomaaliya ay ku hambaabireen in kobtu aanay kobtii ahayn mar dambe, taas oo Barafasoor Axmed Ismaaciil Samatar ka dhawaajiyey oo ka badheedhay, Kuwa badanina hoos u sheegaan oo ka xishoodeen inay kaga sanqadhiyaan. Haseyeeshee, hoos ayey u sheegaan.

Dalka Singabuur (Singapore) ee ah Jasiiradda ku taalla Konfurta- bari ee Aasiya, ayaa dhowaan u dabbaal-degay 50 guuradii ka soo wareegtay markii laga eryey Federaalkii Maleeshiya (Malaysia) sannadkii 1965 ee uu goonni-isu-taagay. Maleeshiya oo shidaal iyo macdanta jaandiga (Tin) iyo khayraad badan oo kale lahayd, halka Singabuur ay ahayd Jasiird kaneeco badan oo wax khayraad ah lahayn waqtigaas.Tolow! qolada webiyada leh ee muuska, bariiska, canbaha, saliidda iyo macdanaha kale leh may iska cayriyaan Puntland iyo Galmudug, Somaliland iska ictiraafaan oo waa halkii Aw Koombe eh ay jiifka ku jaqaan nimcadaas. Aw Koombe oo madadaaliye ahaa ayaa laga hayaa: annaga oo jiifka ku jaqna nimcada ayaa Mudug iyo Majeerteeniya (Puntland) nagu soo biireen, markaas ayaan sara-fadhiisan oo fadhiga ku jaqnay. Wax yar ka dib ayaa Somaliland nagu soo darsatay deeto waa la sara-joogsanay cuntadii, wax yar ka dib ayaa qaxootigii Somali Galbeed noo yimid, deeto orodka ayaan cuntadii ku cunay.

Haddaba, kontan sanno ka dib Jasiiradii Singabuur (Singapore), waxa lagu tilmaamay bulshadda abid, intii taarikhda la garanayo jirtay ee ku guulaysatay in ay horumar nololeed ku gaadho muddo kooban oo konton sanno ah ama fac keliya ah. Konton sano iyo in ka badan, Hargeysa ayaan dhextaagnaa welina dooxii ayaa dameerkii ka dhaaminayaa. Sannadkii 1965 dakhliga qofka ku soo hagaaga ee Jasiiraddaas Singabuur (Singapore) ku noolaa waxa lagu qiyaasay shan boqol (500) oo dollar sannadkii. Konton sanno ka dib waxa dakhliga qofka Jasiiraddaasi ku nool manta lagu qiyaasaa shan iyo konton kun (55,000) oo dollar!!! Waar bal day. Waa heestii Abwaan Axmed Saleebaan Bidde; “Saw anaa hurdee… Saw lama kal dhaqaaqin!!” In la kala tegay waa u taagnaa. Jasiiraddii waxay ka mid tahay dalalka adduunka ugu hodansan maanta. Waxa la isweydiiyaa sidee ayey ku gaadhay horumarka intaas le’eg, iyada oo wax khayraad ah lahayn? Dadka ku nool jasiiraddaasi waxay ku guulaysteen inay helaan hoy ay galaan, cunto, caafimaad, tacliin iyo shaqo, waa inta qofku u baahan yahay. Boqolkiiba sagaashan 90% waxay ku jiraan guryo ay leeyihiin.

Jaamacadda, lagu barto maaraynta iyo maamulka dawladnimada oo ku taalla Jasiiradaasi oo loogu magac-daray hoggaamiyihii dalkaas Lee Kuwan Yew School of Government, barafasoor wax ka dhiga ayaa sababta lagu gaadhay horumarka intaasi le’eg ku soo koobay saddex qodob:
Meritocracy (Xukunka dalka oo ku jira gacanta xubnaha bulshada ugu aqoon iyo maskax badan), Pragmatism (Ka- soo- dheegashada bulshooyinka kale) Honesty (Hufnaan iyo daacadnimo)
Meritocracy: waxa looga jeedaa in dalku uu la soo baxo muwaadiniintiisa ugu aqoon badan ee ugu maskax badan ee ugu habboon xilalka dalka oo xukunka loo dhiibo. Qofkii shaqo loo dhiibayo oo imtixaan aqooneed ku hela oo ku mutayasta ee aan saami-qabiil iyo reernimo iyo tolnimo lagu xulan oo lagu dooran.
Pragmatism: Waxa looga jeedaa inaan la isku mashquulin in nidaam dawladnimo oo cusub la ikhtiraaco. Dhibaato kasta oo dal la soo darista waa la soo arkay oo dad ayaa la soo kulmay oo xal u helay. Raadso kuwaas oo soo qaado sida ay ku furdaamiyeen adoo ku salaynayaa waayahaaga. Dunida aad ku nooshahay tijaabooyinka hirgalay ee lagu guulaystay ka soo qaado. Shalaad baratee waa la shubi jiray! Sida loogu heeso marka ceelka loo shubayo xoolaha.

Honesty: Hufnaan ama daacadnimo. Dalalka habaarku ku dhacay ee saboolnimadu raagaadisay waxa sabab u ah, musqmaasaqa. Musqmaasaq waa Soomaali meheradeedii eh. Mar haddii la xalaalaysto xoolaha dalkaas ama beyta-maalka; dalkaasi ha ka sugin horumar iyo bulsho hodan noqota. Inta garaadku gaajaysan yahay guuli waa weli eh, miyuu Abwaan Maxamed Warsame ( Hadraawi ) yidhi?. Fandhaal foodda loo buuxiyaa waa fashiish xumo eh, mar haddii fatalaq loo darsaday fadalku weynaaye. Waa in madaxdu dufanka farahooda iyo dharkooda ka ilaashataa haddii kale waa haddii kale!!!

1964 waxa Wasiirka kowaad ama Ra’iisal-wasaare ka noqday Jamhuuriyaddii Somaaliyeed Marxuun Cabdirisaaq Xaaji Xuseen, ninkaasi waxa uu la yimi nidaam dawladnimo oo uu ku tilmaamay hadal hays ahaa “Karti iyo Hufnaan” “Merit and honesty.”
Guddomiyayaasha degmooyinka waxa uu u magcaabay rag jaamiciyiin ah oo jaamacadaha dibedda wax ku soo bartay. Agaasimayaalka Guud iyo Wasiirrada sidaas oo kale ayuu ku soo xushay qaar badan oo la dhaliilayeyna waa ruqseeyey. Siyaasadaasi ma tisqaadin ee way xagal-daacday waxay ahayd siyaasad Mudugaysan.

Isaga iyo Adan Cadde tartankii madaxtooyadda ayaa lagaga guulaystay 1967. Abwaan Qaasim oo mucaarid ku ahaa dawladdaasi oo gabayo badan u tiriyey ayaa yidhi isaga oo durayaa guddoomiye Jaamici ahaa oo Burco loo soo beddelay, abwaankuna uu markaas Burco ka shaqaynayey: Kartidii iyo hufnaantii haddii ay hebelo noo keentay, Dad habaar qaba ayaa …………. lagu haleeyaaye, sawkaa hadhuudhkii casaa hawd u raray maaha.

1997 aniga oo ah Wasiirka Qorshaynta ee Somaliland ah, ayaa waxa muddo gaaban la taliye u ahaa Wasaaradda nin khawaaje ah oo ku ciraystay bilaad- Soomal oo welina jooga oo la odhan Jiray John Drysdale. Hadda diintii ayuu beddeshay oo waa Muslimay oo Yacquub ayuu la baxay. John waxa uu muddo badan ku noolaa Jasiiraddaas Singapore, waxa uu ii sheegay inuu asaasay joornaalka caanka noqday ee dalkaas ee Straits Times. Buug ayuu ka qorayey hormoodkii horumarkaas ka madax ahaa Lee Kuwan Yew oo uu ka aflaxay Jaamcadda caanka ee Cariga Ingiriiska ku taal ee Cambridge University, halkaas ayuu shahaado sharciga ah ka qaatay oo derajo cid dhif ihi gaadho ku helay shahaadadii. Mar hadduu sidaas u maskax badnaa waxa uu xushay qofba qofkuu ka maskax badnaa ee ka aqoon badnaa ee ku noolaa jasiiradaasi Singabuur.

John Drysdale, la taliyihii Wasaaradda Qorshaynta ee Somaliland xilligaas 1997 – 1998, waxa uu la yimi talo ah saddex qodob oo Somaliland loogu asaasi karo nidaam horumarineed sida Singabuur, kaas oo ahaa sidatan: In guryaha dalka iyo baloodhada iyo beeraha ee dalku leeyahay la diiwangeliyo oo combuyuutar la geliyo, sidoo kale dadweynaha dalka ku nool la diiwangeliyo, halkaas ayaa horumarka laga bilaabayaa marka dad iyo hantida ma–guurtada ah ee dalku leeyahay la ogaado oo la diiwangeliyo.
Shirkad uu lahaa John Drysdale ayaa Marxuun Cigaal u oggolaaday inay hawshaas fuliso, balse waxa qudha ee kaalmo loo helnay in beeraha Goballada Galbeed (Maroodijeex, Gabiilay iyo Awdal) lagu hirgeliyo mashruucaasi (Cadastral Survey), tii guryaha waa socon weyday oo Maayarkii Caasimadda ayaa is-hortaagay oo fahmi waayey ujeeddadii mashruuca. Arrintii diiwangelinta dadweynaha oo Wasaaraddu qaabilsanyd oo Madaxweynuhu amar ku siiyey; markii khabiirkii tirokoobka ee mashruuca qorshayn lahaa la soo helay oo haya’dda ICD ( Progresso) ay Wasaaradda ku taageertay ayaa la iga beddelay Wasaaraddii, hawlihiina halkaas ayey ku istaageen oo iigu danbaysay. Ma moodaa boowe? Inaanu riyoonaynay marka aan is lahayn Shankaroon, Singabuur (Singapore) labaad ka dhiga ee aannu shaqadda u lugayn jirnay! Kontankii sannadood, labaatan iyo afar waa tageen, intii Somaliland goonni-isu-taagtay, waxna la tag-taag nin iyo tamartii. Beenaw! Labaatanka iyo lixda sanno ee kale ma la heli karaa qof (Rag iyo Dumar midku doono) oo dalka horumar gaadhsiiya.!

Talo dihatey leegada markii damacu ee geeyey.(Pro Gees,Dharaaro xasuustood Qaybtii 42)

Talo dihatey leegada markii damacu ee geeyey Ee Aadan iyo ay dhaceen dawladdu haystay Aniguba dilaal baan ku helay derajadaydii eh” Maxamed ...

Cigaal, iyo badheedhahiisii mabdi'iisa shakhsiyeed.

15 Things to Know Before You Go to Hargeisa

<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<br />

<br /><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hargeisa is not Mogadishu.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Most people don’t know much about Hargeisa, in northwestern
Somalia. But for many travelers, its location alone is a red flag. For more
than 25 years, news from the region has been a relentless stream of violence
and despair, even after the country managed to cobble together a (<a href="http://ichef.bbci.co.uk/news/560/media/images/82552000/gif/_82552397_somalia_control_624_v3.gif" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">laughable</span></a>) central
government in 2012 after 22 years of statelessness and civil war. Yet major
southern Somali cities like Mogadishu, Kismayo, and even the de facto federal
capital of Baidoa are all a little too rough around the edges for tourism. But
the story of Hargeisa is different from the rest of Somalia. It’s the capital
of a self-declared independent state (<a href="http://csis.org/story/why-united-states-should-recognize-somaliland%E2%80%99s-independence" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">unrecognized</span></a>) called
Somaliland, formed when the historic colony of British Somaliland merged with
Italian Somaliland in 1960. Somaliland started to pull away from Mogadishu in
the 1980s, so when the Somali government collapsed in 1991, local ‘Lander’
leaders quickly moved to quell violence within their borders, declaring
independence and forming a new government that has presided over a relatively
peaceful two decades. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjBvm8Uhqj7TAEu-dvoCBWExExQr7jfKBxkfigXkGizexTFOQ4VtF5QMARLkuKwjOshEbNooCVLo4fLq5NiAw6bTXQYIzp8ibCnBgeGSoCxa0N1c7bqx2yWLlYEgZhlO4fBEj7OMfxL-P1w/s1600/Member-of-Parliament.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjBvm8Uhqj7TAEu-dvoCBWExExQr7jfKBxkfigXkGizexTFOQ4VtF5QMARLkuKwjOshEbNooCVLo4fLq5NiAw6bTXQYIzp8ibCnBgeGSoCxa0N1c7bqx2yWLlYEgZhlO4fBEj7OMfxL-P1w/s320/Member-of-Parliament.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A Somaliland Member of Parliament relaxes at a restaurant in
Hargeisa. Photo: Mark Hay </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Bad things <i>have</i> happened in
Hargeisa—just rarely, and not recently.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
Somaliland sometimes skirmishes over its eastern provinces, known as Sool,
Sanaag, and Cayn, with neighboring semi-independent Puntland. <a href="http://www.aljazeera.com/news/africa/2008/10/2008102993331438553.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">In 2008</span></a>, terrorists managed
to bomb the presidential palace and an Ethiopian diplomatic outpost in
Hargeisa. But Somaliland officials, desperate to prove their mettle to the
international community and achieve global recognition as an independent state,
have ensured that major cities maintain order (if not always law), succeeding
well enough that Hargeisa, and cities such as Berbera, Borama, and Burco, have
functional police forces and streets you can walk on unarmed–even at night–and
safe enough to have some fun.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Getting around is easy. </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In the 1980s, Hargeisa, seeking self-determination, was
bombed to bits by Somalia’s longstanding military dictator, Siad Barre. Its
streets are still mostly dirt. And the rebuilding city is evolving so quickly
that maps can’t keep up. With an estimated population of 1.2 million, over
eight times the city’s population in the 1970s, you’d think it would be easy to
get lost in this expansive, dust-choked urban labyrinth. But it’s not, thanks
to the numerous and cheap taxis and buses that work their way around town. It’s
not even all informal: taxis are marked and metered, and buses are regular. If
you stand still for five minutes, some form of transit will roll by with
someone in the driver’s seat or passenger area who understands just enough
English to get you where you need to go. </span></div>
<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Ambassador and the Maan-Soor
aren’t the only hotels in town.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">
Aside from a handful of intrepid backpackers, most of the people who come to
Hargeisa are academics, aid workers, <a href="http://blogs.cfr.org/campbell/2015/01/15/somalia-ready-for-oil-exploration/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">industrial oil prospectors</span></a>,
and a <a href="http://www.somalilandfoundation.com/home/?p=1199" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">large cadre of Turkish developers</span></a> looking to
spread their nation’s soft power throughout Africa. For the sake of security
and amenities most of these folks stay in one of two hotels. The Maan-Soor, on
the northwestern fringe of town, offers a blast wall, permanent armed guard,
and attentive staff often for long-term or returning foreign guests; the
Ambassador offers much the same on the south side of town near the airport,
convenient for short-term functions and conferences. Both pop up as the top
options in town for all travelers, and both are insular and Western. Although
you’re unlikely to find them easily, there are other options. Many hotels in
the heart of Hargeisa are perfectly safe, well stocked with resources, and
trafficked by much more colorful and diverse characters (who will gladly mingle
with you in this more relaxed atmosphere). The staff are a little more mellow
and can help you arrange anything you might need, from SIM cards to trips into
the countryside, all on the cheap. I’m personally quite fond of the Oriental
Hotel, which is just blocks from Hargeisa’s main drag and <a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/breakfast/in-praise-of-porridge/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">serves a mean porridge</span></a>. </span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEi4qh77ORQHyVsvPAvXyNms01HFQ1woAa36TGq93mihw73Xe8r2Sq-bRGl-i3zK8t3OUxcsqs4oUQJ54908xcfGy4jtnGjvYWEbIOHvbdwsE_8OnIQb2jv1cYknpjacRt2kSpvbHVKDhyVw/s1600/Outdoor-Market.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a></div>
<br /><br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This city is wired up.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> The birth of a <a href="http://www.budde.com.au/Research/Somalia-Telecoms-Mobile-and-Broadband-Statistics-and-Analyses.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">thriving telecoms industry</span></a>
has been one of the few universally reported success stories out of modern
Somalia. In this free market, entrepreneurs have flooded the country with cheap
cellphones, offering some of the lowest data and international call rates in
the world, with pretty strong signal even in rural areas. They’ve even managed
to jigger their way into internet connections, often via cooperation with firms
in neighboring Djibouti and Ethiopia, which are strong enough to support most
downloads and streaming. (I streamed the first season of <i>Orange Is The New
Black</i> from a Hargeisa hotel room over the course of a few dull Ramadan
days.) Combined with fairly lax browsing restraints, this is a perfect recipe
for international connectivity and entertainment in an otherwise remote part of
the world. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Almost every market is a grey
market.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Local entrepreneurs are bright, and
probably more resourceful than many guys on the Google Bus. But they’re still
operating in an unrecognized region, under a local regime that’s mostly
disconnected from global financial institutions, leaves postal operations to
DHL, and has minimal international business leverage. It only follows that a
lot of goods in the market came literally came off the back of a truck and were
paid for under the table in cash. The computers at that Internet café are riddled
with viruses. The batteries in that market will run dry within the space of a
few hours. That jacket is just one cleverly disguised long thread, waiting to
unravel cartoonishly as soon as it meets an attractive snag. And none of this
junk is even that cheap, thanks to “irregular shipping practices.” Really, if
you need consumer goods in Hargeisa, just bring them along.</span></div>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span><br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">One of
Hargeisa's outdoor markets. Photo by: Mark Hay </span>

<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Bring cash.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Preferably a stack of cold, hard, American dollars. The
nation is not hooked into the global financial system in any meaningful way.
Cash services are shaping up in Hargeisa, which has just started to launch a
series of traditional bank branches and reportedly launched its first <a href="http://somalilandsun.com/index.php/economic/5158-somaliland-salaam-financials-facilitates-local-servicing-of-international-credit-cards-" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">two ATMs in 2014</span></a>. But you
still can’t rely on these young banks and ATMs for all your financial needs.
Also, Hargeisa will try to milk a little money from you as soon as you touch
down, charging entry, exit, and security fees at border control, often forcing
you to change some dollars to shillings upon entry as well. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ignore the Somaliland Shilling.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> The Somaliland Shilling hovers around S$7,000 to $1, uses
tiny notes that max out at S$5,000, and exchanges at negotiable and uneven
rates from roadside vendor to roadside vendor. Most financial services take a
cut out of your cash. Everyone takes USD as a valid alternative currency. A
pocketful of Shillings is useful mainly for small change and cheap street
vendor items such as bottled water or a candy bar. However, dollars are so
coveted that locals are loath to make change in US currency, opting to pay you
back in Shillings instead.</span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRFXDO5PtBrT8xVCm3nljzPIivAuoeNew0qYhh8kcTmjQEeeoZcqd65H966kVahVX_1eeyR2rDGzs4GnA4SbbbIvahHJdbj_uqFzM8rRLVkWOIo4a3EZct5TcxvD2Yiyxu7Gex2nALqRsL/s1600/Wadi-Shack-21.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjRFXDO5PtBrT8xVCm3nljzPIivAuoeNew0qYhh8kcTmjQEeeoZcqd65H966kVahVX_1eeyR2rDGzs4GnA4SbbbIvahHJdbj_uqFzM8rRLVkWOIo4a3EZct5TcxvD2Yiyxu7Gex2nALqRsL/s320/Wadi-Shack-21.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hanging out in a wadi. Photo: Mark Hay</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">There are a few financial services
that you can use.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> If you’re dead set against carrying
a big wad of cash around, you can make use of Somaliland’s two financial
services: <a href="http://magazine.good.is/features/can-a-family-business-save-somalia-s-economy" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">Dahabshiil</span></a> and <a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/2013/mobile-money-in-a-dusty-land/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">Zaad</span></a>. The first is a local
money wiring system (and a cornerstone of the regional remittance economy), by
which you can cheaply send dollars to Hargeisa and store them in secure and
well-respected locations. The second is a mobile money system that allows you
to send ethereal cash to most vendors, even street side shacks and rural folks,
who’re hipper to currency digitization than most major American retailers,
meaning that you might actually have an easier cash-free, non-credit shopping
experience in Hargeisa than at home. But, as with any service, you’ll lose a
little cash off the top and it adds steps between you and your dinner. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Mind the hidden social tensions.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Although Hargeisa epitomizes Somali optimism, the commerce
and conviviality can mask long-standing divisions. Somaliland, like the rest of
Somalia, is predominantly Sunni Muslim, but local Somalilanders are split along
still-relevant clan lines, often accusing each other of clan favoritism and
power monopolies. All of the locals together often resent southern Somali
immigrants who they see as honing in on the success of the region. Both of
these groups marginalize the hell out of a <a href="http://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/study-minorities-somalia" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">series of minority communities</span></a>,
historically held down in an indigenous racial quasi-caste system and rapidly <a href="http://www.vice.com/read/minorities-and-migrants-are-fighting-for-last-place-in-somaliland" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">losing their hold</span></a> even on
their traditional jobs. And all of these parties throw a little shade at
returnees from the diaspora, cast as outsiders getting too big for their boots.
And across the board, people tend to ignore the refugee populations, mostly
Ethiopians and Yemenis fleeing poverty or violence and stuck in the region with
nowhere else to go. These tensions won’t affect your trip, but it’s good to
keep them in mind to avoid needlessly stepping on some sensitive toes and
stoking social issues. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A barber and member of the the Gaboye community, a
marginalized group in Somaliland. Being a barber is a traditional but
threatened Gaboye caste job.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLNVEqR941kHEH_6XeLviksUZyIBcfjSF3PM0VIZDqm9Ezqf1jYyFast5QaC2Zjv96dDPGOhgo140gKR1uaYu3qrxyFNd2NOWniD2DLyRN-B2d7k3COaDx-wIe0n7vh2weNlGgcm-Wn1S9/s1600/Gaboye-Close.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="320" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLNVEqR941kHEH_6XeLviksUZyIBcfjSF3PM0VIZDqm9Ezqf1jYyFast5QaC2Zjv96dDPGOhgo140gKR1uaYu3qrxyFNd2NOWniD2DLyRN-B2d7k3COaDx-wIe0n7vh2weNlGgcm-Wn1S9/s320/Gaboye-Close.jpg" width="239" /></a></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Photo: Mark Hay</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Sit down, shut up, and eat your camel.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Although many restaurants are opening up serving Western,
Yemeni, Middle Eastern, and Ethiopian fare, much of what’s on offer for cheap
is local Somali food – which is not too diverse. I could warn you about the
sickly saccharine breakfast <i><a href="http://www.mysomalifood.com/lahooh-spongy-pancake-like-bread/"><span style="color: blue;">laxoox</span></a></i>, the fact that you’ll need to master
eating loose rice with your hands, or the shocking monotony of the coastal
region’s diet. But the most important thing I can warn you about here is this:
You’re going to eat a metric shit-ton of gamey, tough, and greasy camel meat. <a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/2013/how-do-you-like-your-camel-meat/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">Camels are legion in Somaliland</span></a>.
Somalia as a whole is home to half of the world’s 14 million camels, and arid
Somaliland is their ideal environment — so they’re one of the easiest and
cheapest sources of meat at roadside stands. Camel meat is not tender. You’ll
also eat a fair share of camel’s hump, which is a spongy, fatty tissue,
resistant to all mastication, as well. This is a valuable commodity and
offering it is a kind gesture, so don’t turn it down. And if you happen to have
to drink the milk, know that it is truly foul, but muscle through the
experience by repeating this mantra: <i><a href="https://au.news.yahoo.com/sunday-night/features/a/25468433/i-drank-camel-milk-for-a-month-heres-what-happened/" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">This is very healthy milk</span></a>.
This is very healthy milk. This is very healthy milk.</i></span></div>
<br />
 <br />
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgGOUhn7TW-6cLDwBezz2blK-X2lH1tyFd9BajLX4lhEfuNW_Xmys1SVVOlSL_ZiOrvqrGdbtPrjrb3c1q6dBQAOcaHGfqzVzyGi2JG3neI9e6HpLkkLgAZPC-Z_7esaWNDUcublyUcG19E/s1600/CAMEL1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgGOUhn7TW-6cLDwBezz2blK-X2lH1tyFd9BajLX4lhEfuNW_Xmys1SVVOlSL_ZiOrvqrGdbtPrjrb3c1q6dBQAOcaHGfqzVzyGi2JG3neI9e6HpLkkLgAZPC-Z_7esaWNDUcublyUcG19E/s320/CAMEL1.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: .5in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Camel meat
Photo by: Mark Hay </span></div>
<br />
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">You’ll get a minder whether you want
one or not.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Ever wary of the bad press a dead
or missing foreigner would bring to their independence movement, whenever you
leave Hargeisa the government requires you to pay for a dude in fatigues with a
questionably functional Kalashnikov to accompany you. Usually they’ll try to
get you to use a private car service as well, so most day trips outside
Hargeisa can cost an arm and a leg—all in the name of making absolutely sure
you don’t lose an arm and a leg. But trips to Berbera and Laas Geel, on
well-secured and trafficked roads, are usually exempt from this requirement, so
they’re your best bets to freely visit the hinterland. </span></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0PHzvuhV53xEq1tyozFIUzK7FSR0Sf71-YCrCIJrEbjIcxjmb57s3dsAs1RHetB73e2UqP2OVg-o0AqwW3k_nhuQljUe2NOJRBwROC0VMz-NKkHpgSQcDZOPb_RGizb1fP1-WwteU2vY7/s1600/Las-Geel-Looking-out-at-Wadi.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEh0PHzvuhV53xEq1tyozFIUzK7FSR0Sf71-YCrCIJrEbjIcxjmb57s3dsAs1RHetB73e2UqP2OVg-o0AqwW3k_nhuQljUe2NOJRBwROC0VMz-NKkHpgSQcDZOPb_RGizb1fP1-WwteU2vY7/s320/Las-Geel-Looking-out-at-Wadi.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhm3asxy5dW2nXmTsTK583eR5mLOP9TkOfl-4mKOLARHEIxxZlUnY7WkRxdNmZpU_d_vJm5Rpb6tDSl5ATcruZ3r3By9_AOCjeFZUhEC2wTwH0FhMkeoyKtXocsMhlBAYJ3fnMmVXiEpwnN/s1600/Las-Geel-Shelter-Side1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a></div>
<ul type="disc">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-list: l6 level1 lfo12; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; tab-stops: list .5in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span><br /></li>
</ul>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: .5in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">From the
caves of Las Geel, looking out at the wadi. Las Geel is a trip visitors can
make without a minder. Photo by: Mark Hay </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A day trip to Las Geel is
quasi-mandatory.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Though some people come to
Somaliland as misguided war tourists or to check off Somalia on their world
travel map, most come to understand a region often presented as impoverished
and pitiful. This latter group will usually be content checking out the <a href="http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/roads/2013/09/somaliland_s_camel_market_could_camel_meat_be_this_unrecognized_nation_s.html" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">local camel market</span></a>,
grabbing tea at a roadside shack, and spending nights chilling with a few
locals chewing <i>khat</i> and shooting the shit. But that doesn’t mean there’s
nothing touristy to do around the city, and probably the best option is a quick
day trip (about four or five hours in total) to Laas Geel. Long known to locals
but only documented by French archaeologists in 2002, <a href="http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2013/may/1/ancient-art-in-diplomatic-limbo/?page=all" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">Laas Geel</span></a> is a rough rock
outcropping in the middle of the desert, which displays some of Africa’s oldest
and best-preserved rock art–some parts dating back to 9,000 B.C.E.–which are a
big point of national pride. They’re not the country’s only historical sites,
but other rock art masterpieces are in the restive Sanaag, and ruins at Abaasa,
Amud, and Zeila are inaccessible, looted beyond repair, or just poorly
maintained. Laas Geel is the best option for tourism. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLIld2P2OThHu6YALA_b2WhH1lBnEw2SnRABdzjT10ItNGx3BafAmeuSIWV8gJt_KfO3VU-J8-Kcwxl4GAgiJpm5GuDlJtSE7wTnThmkAaz5NO8ONdyZqnuh2zu6l2hrMqL1ycZrXMN3gN/s1600/Las-Geel-Shelter-Side1.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjLIld2P2OThHu6YALA_b2WhH1lBnEw2SnRABdzjT10ItNGx3BafAmeuSIWV8gJt_KfO3VU-J8-Kcwxl4GAgiJpm5GuDlJtSE7wTnThmkAaz5NO8ONdyZqnuh2zu6l2hrMqL1ycZrXMN3gN/s320/Las-Geel-Shelter-Side1.jpg" width="320" /></a></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Rock art at Las Geel. Photo: Mark Hay</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The beach at Berbera is overrated,
but you should still go.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Berbera is
a once-significant Red Sea port trying to regain its relevance and become an
engine of growth. Aspirations to develop the port have granted it one of the
nation’s best roads (to and from Hargeisa), a route sufficiently fast and
well-traveled that the government usually waives its minder requirement. Most
tourists try to make the trip for the pristine beaches, maybe go snorkeling
with the aid of the local Maan-Soor branch, and chow down on some local
fish—which is more than enough to make most visitors happy. But the place is a
furnace, pushing highs of 110° F all summer with equally absurd humidity
levels. As with any travel beyond Hargeisa, the price to simultaneously bake
and stew in sand are higher than you might expect – or think reasonable. But
the chance to see a bit more of the country on your own for a day is still
worth it. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hargeisa is more than just a staging
point. </span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The city lacks for landmarks. The
best it has to offer is a downed MiG-17 fighter jet, a monument to when the
regime in Mogadishu carpet-bombed Hargeisa in 1988 during Somaliland’s independence
bids. There are theatres or clubs, and minimal entertainment and nightlife.
Sometimes it can seem like the only thing to do is drink tea or chew the mild
narcotic <i>khat</i>. But every year, more and more Somalis return to the city
from the diaspora, eager to revitalize Somaliland and bring with them new
developments. In the evenings, the streets and restaurants are hopping with
people meeting and greeting, chatting and dealing, often in English as well as
Somali, because some have returned from America and Europe. It’s a vibrant
crush of culture and exchange. And during the days, there are even a few cool
new sporting teams—acrobats and martial artists—holding low-key public
exhibitions, which are striking to see on the dusty red streets. Hargeisa might
not have the most institutional fun on tap. But you can still have a good
time—and simultaneously challenge your media-soaked preconceptions about a
region, which is more than you can ask from most vacation spots in the world. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: .5in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: .5in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghux9SeboR9V7Tv2jH3UlTNbm5kZgcd386kVBu_9-KlgAFGWKQeSRm127W29DEvo8mcKvmejOSktUI9snlGxSUwVXaPUbII3H1TdF8rQK-Comrjufvt47owQAk1cF2lL9Wt8iMHBQWpaww/s1600/Mark-Hay_avatar-183x183.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="clear: left; float: left; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEghux9SeboR9V7Tv2jH3UlTNbm5kZgcd386kVBu_9-KlgAFGWKQeSRm127W29DEvo8mcKvmejOSktUI9snlGxSUwVXaPUbII3H1TdF8rQK-Comrjufvt47owQAk1cF2lL9Wt8iMHBQWpaww/s1600/Mark-Hay_avatar-183x183.jpg" /></a></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-left: .5in; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="mso-ignore: vglayout;"><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/author/mhay/"><br /></a></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/author/mhay/"><span style="color: black;">Mark
Hay</span></a> is a freelance writer based out of Brooklyn, N.Y. An incessant
carnivore with a special love for organ meat, he jumps at the chance to go on
any and every culinary adventure possible. You can find his writings on food
and everything else regularly in GOOD, Modern Notion, and VICE—and irregularly
all over the place.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/2015/15-things-to-know-before-you-go-to-hargeisa/#top"><span style="color: blue;"><br /></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/"><span style="color: blue;"></span></a><a href="http://roadsandkingdoms.com/feed/"><span style="color: blue;"><br /></span></a></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
</div>

15 Things to Know Before You Go to Hargeisa

Hargeisa is not Mogadishu. Most people don’t know much about Hargeisa, in northwestern Somalia. But for many travelers, its locat...